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I think it needless to say any thing here, in opposition to those who
pretend, that the following Commentaries, concerning the Civil War, were not
penned by Caesar himself. We have not only the express testimony of
Suetonius to the contrary, but the very style sufficiently declares, that
Caesar alone could be the author of the work. There is room however to
suspect, from the abrupt manner in which the subject is introduced, that the
beginning of this first book is wanting: for history takes notice of several
previous facts, of which no mention is made here. I have therefore collected
out of Plutarch, Appian, and
Caesar's letter being delivered to the consuls, the tribunes, with much difficulty, procured it a reading in the senate; but could by no means prevail to have his demands brought under deliberation. The consuls proposed to debate upon the state of the republic. " Lentulus promised to stand by the senate and the people, if they would deliver their sentiments with freedom and courage; but if they regarded Caesar, and affected to court his friendship, as had been the practice for some time past, he knew, he told them, what he had to do, and was determined to disclaim their authority; not doubting but he would find a ready admittance to the favour and protection of Caesar." Scipio spoke much to the same purpose: "That Pompey was firmly bent not to abandon the republic, if he found the senators ready to support him; but if they cooled, or were remiss in their resolves, it would be in vain for them to expect his aid, if they saw cause afterwards to apply for it."
This speech of Scipio, as the senate was held in the city, and Pompey
resided in the suburbs, was considered as coming from Pompey's own mouth.
Some were for following milder counsels, of which number was M. Marcellus,
who gave it as his opinion: "That it was not proper to enter upon the
present deliberation, till troops were raised over all
In the evening the senate rose; and Pompey sending for all those of his
party, commended the forward; confirmed them in their resolutions; reproved
and animated the more moderate. Multitudes of veterans, who had formerly
served under him, flocked to him from all parts, allured by the expectation
of rewards and dignities. A great number of officers belonging to the two
legions lately returned by Caesar, had likewise orders to attend him.
But all these proposals were rejected, because the consul, Scipio, and Cato,
declared against them. Cato was incited by the remembrance of an old
quarrel, and the disappointment he had sustained in standing candidate for
the pretorship with Caesar. Lentulus was oppressed with debt, and flattered
himself with the command of armies, the government of provinces, and the
largesses of the kings for whom he should procure the title of allies and
friends of the Roman people. He was besides wont to boast, among those of
his own party, that he doubted not of becoming a second Sylla, in whom the
whole authority of the commonwealth should centre. Scipio entertained the
same hope of commands and governments, which he expected to share with his
son-in-law Pompey: added to this his dread of a prosecution; his vanity and
selfconceit; and the flatteries and applauses of his friends, who at that
time bore a considerable sway in the commonwealth and courts of justice.
Pompey himself, instigated by Caesar's enemies, and not able to endure an
equal dignity, was now entirely alienated from him, and had joined with
their common adversaries, most of whom Caesar had contracted during his
affinity with Pompey. Beside, the fraudulent step he had taken, in
detaining, for the purposes of his own ambition, the two legions destined to
serve in
Thus nothing but tumult and violence was to be seen in the public debates.
Caesar's friends had no time given them to inform him of what passed. Even
the tribunes themselves were not exempt from danger, nor durst they have
recourse to that right of intercession, which Sylla had left them, as the
last bulwark of liberty; insomuch that the seventh day after entering upon
their office, they saw themselves obliged to provide for their safety;
whereas in former times, the most turbulent and seditious tribunes never
began to apprehend themselves in danger, till towards the eighth month of
their administration. Recourse was had to that rigid and ultimate decree
which was never used but in the greatest extremities, when the city was
threatened with ruin and conflagration: "That the consuls, the pretors, the
tribunes of the people, and the proconsuls that were near
The following days the senate assembled without the city, where Pompey
confirmed everything he had before intimated by the mouth of Scipio. He
applauded the resolution and courage of the senators, acquainted them with
the state of his forces, that he had ten legions already in arms, and was
besides well informed, that Casar's troops were by no means satisfied with
their general; nay, had even refused to support and follow him. It was then
proposed in the senate, that troops should be raised over all
Caesar having intelligence of these proceedings, addressed himself to his
troops: "He took notice of the many injuries he had received on all
occasions from his enemies, who had alienated Pompey from him, by filling
him with an envy and jealousy of his reputation, though he had done every
thing in his power to promote his glory, and favour his advancement to the
highest dignities. He complained of the new precedent introduced into the
commonwealth, in checking, and hindering by arms, the opposition of the
tribunes, which of late years had been restored to its wonted force. That
Sylla, who had almost annihilated the tribuneship, had yet left it the
liberty of opposition; whereas Pompey, who valued himself upon the
re-establishment of that office, deprived it now of a privilege it had
always enjoyed. That the decree enjoining the magistrates to provide for the
safety of the commonwealth, which implied an order to the Roman people to
repair to arms, was never wont to be used but on occasion of dangerous laws,
seditious measures pursued by the tribunes, or a general secession of the
people, when they possessed themselves of the temples and places of strength
; crimes, which in former ages had been expiated by the fate of Saturninus
and the Gracchi. That at present nothing of this kind had been attempted,
nor so much as thought of; no law promulged, no endeavour used to seduce the
people, no appearance of revolt or disaffection. He therefore conjured them
to defend against the malice of his enemies, the honour and reputation of a
general, under whom they had served nine years with so much advantage to the
commonwealth, gained so many battles, and subdued all
Being assured of the good will of the soldiers, he marched with that legion
to
Though all this tended little to redress the injuries of which Caesar
complained, yet considering these as proper persons by whom to transmit his
thoughts, he begged of them, that as they had not scrupled to bring Pompey's
demands to him, they would likewise carry back his proposals to Pompey;
that, if possible, so small a labour might put an end to mighty differences,
and deliver all
Roscius and L. Caesar, having received this answer, departed for
It was, by no means, a fair proposal, that Caesar should be obliged to quite
Meantime, being informed that Thermus the pretor had entered
Caesar's arrival being known, the chief citizens of
These things being reported at
Caesar meanwhile leaving
Caesar having made himself master of
Upon this, Domitius engaged, by great rewards,persons well acquainted with
the country, to carry letters into
Meantime Caesar was informed that the people of
Caesar resolved to employ the three first days in strongly fortifying his
camp, in procuring corn from the neighbouring towns, and waiting the arrival
of the rest of his forces. During this space, the eighth legion joined him,
with two and twenty cohorts of new levies from
Domitius, perusing the despatches, thought proper to dissemble the contents,
and declared, in council, that Pompey would speedily come to their
assistance. Meantime he exhorted them to behave with courage, and provide
every thing necessary for a vigorous defence. He conferred, however,
privately with a few of his most intimate friends, and, in concert with
them, determined upon flight. But as his looks and speech were found to
disagree; as he behaved not with his usual composure and firmness; and was
observed, contrary to custom, to be much in secret conference with his
friends; avoiding public appearances, and councils of war: it was not
possible for the truth to remain any longer concealed. For Pompey had wrote
back, "That he could not put all to hazard for his sake; that he had neither
advised nor consented to his shutting himself up in
Domitius's design being discovered, the soldiers who were at
Though Caesar was fully sensible of how great importance it was to get possession of the town immediately, and join the garrison to his own army; lest by largesses, promises of speedy relief, or false reports, any change should be produced; as in war great revolutions often arise from very trifling causes: yet, fearing that if he introduced his soldiers in the dark, they would take that opportunity to plunder the town, he sent back the deputies, with thanks for their proffer, resolving to have the walls and gates watched with great care. To that end he disposed his men along the works, not at a certain distance, as usual, but in one continued rank, so as to touch each other, and completely invest the town. He ordered the military tribunes, and officers of the cavalry, to patrol about the works, and not only be on their guard against sallies, but even take care to prevent the escape of particular persons. And indeed so alert and vigilant were our soldiers, that not a man closed his eyes that night; each expecting the event with impatience, and carrying his thoughts from one thing to another; what would be the fate of the Corfinians, what of Domitius, what of Lentulus, and the other illustrious persons in the place: in fine, what was like to be the issue of so complicated a scene.
About the fourth watch of the night, Lentulus Spinther called from the wall
to the guard, and desired to be conducted to Caesar. His request being
granted, he came out of the town, attended by some of Domitius's soldiers,
who never left him till they had conducted him into Caesar's presence. He
begged him to spare his life, and pardon the injuries he had done him, in
consideration of their former friendship. He owned the many obligations he
had laid him under, in procuring him an admission into the college of
priests, obtaining for him the government of
As soon as it was light, Caesar ordered before him all the senators,
senators' sons, military tribunes, and Roman knights. There were
ofsenatorian rank, L. Domitius, P. Lentulus Spinther, L. Vibullius Rufus,
Sextus Quintilius Varus, questor, L. Rubrius; also Domitius's son, and many
young men of quality, with a great number of Roman knights, and some
decurions, or senators of the neigbouring municipal towns, who had been sent
for by Domitius. As soon as they appeared, he gave orders to secure them
from the insults of the soldiery; and, addressing them in a few words,
remonstrated: "That they had made a very ill requital for the many signal
services received at his hands." After which, he set them at liberty. He
likewise restored to Domitius six millions of sesterces, which that general
had brought with him to
Pompey, having intelligence of what passed at
Having dismissed him with these instructions, he arrived before
Against these preparations, Pompey made use of several large ships which he
found in the port of
Caesar having spent nine days about his works, had now half finished the
staccado, when the ships employed in the first embarkation, being sent back
by the consuls from
The people of
Though Caesar was fully sensible, that to finish the war at a blow, he must
pass the sea immediately, and endeavour to come up with Pompey, before he
could draw his transmarine forces together; yet he dreaded the delay and
length of time that such a project might require; because Pompey having
carried with him all the ships on the coast, rendered the present execution
of the design impracticable. He must therefore wait the arrival of ships
from Picenum,
He determined, therefore, to lay aside, for the present, the design of
pursuing Pompey, and turn all his thoughts towards
M. Cotta commanded in
Tubero arriving in
These affairs despatched, Caesar that his troops might enjoy some repose,
cantoned them in the nearest towns, and set out himself for
The senate liked the proposal of a deputation to Pompey; but the great
difficulty was, to find deputies; every one, out of fear, refusing to charge
himself with that commission. For Pompey, at his departure from
Here he was informed, that Pompey had sent into Spain Vibullius Rufus, the
same who, a few days before, had been made prisoner at
Caesar sending for fifteen of the principal men of the city, exhorted them
not to be the first to begin the war, but to be swayed rather by the
authority of all
Whilst these things were in agitation, Domitius arrived at
During these orders and preparations, he sent C. Fabius before him into
Pompey had then three lieutenants in
We have already observed that Afranius had three legions, and Petreius two.
Besides these, there were about eighty cohorts, some light, some heavy
armed, and five thousand horse, raised in both provinces. Caesar had sent
his legions before him into
Fabius, by letters and messengers, endeavoured to sound the disposition of the neighbouring states. He had laid two bridges over the Sicoris, four miles distant from each other, for the convenience of foraging, having consumed all the pasture on this side the river. Pompey's generals did the same, with much the like view, which occasioned frequent skirmishes between the horse. Two of Fabius's legions, which was the ordinary guard of the foragers, passing one day according to custom, and the cavalry and carriages following, the bridge broke down on a sudden, by the violence of the winds and floods, and separated them from the rest of the army. Afranius and Petreius perceiving it, by the fascines and hurdles that came down with the stream; detached immediately four legions, with all their cavalry, over the bridge that lay between the town and their camp, and marched to attack Fabius's legions. Upon this, L. Plancus, who commanded the escort, finding himself hard pressed, seizing a rising ground, and forming his men into two divisions, posted them back to back, that he might not be surrounded by the enemy's horse. By this disposition, though inferior in number, he was enabled to sustain the furious charge of their legions and cavalry. During the course of the battle, the ensigns of two legions were perceived at a distance, which Fabius had sent by the farther bridge to sustain his party, suspecting what might happen, and that Pompey's generals might seize the opportunity offered them by fortune, to fall upon our men. Their arrival put an end to the engagement, and both parties returned to their respective camps.
Two days after, Caesar arrived in the camp with nine hundred horse, which he
had kept for a body guard. He began by re-establishing in the night the
bridge which had been broken down, and was not yet quite repaired. Next day
he took a view of the country, and leaving six cohorts to guard the bridge,
the camp, and the baggage, marched with all his forces in three lines to
Next day he carried the intrenchment quite round his camp, and because materials for a rampart must have been fetched from a great distance, he contented himself for the present with a naked ditch, as the day before, allotting a legion to each side of the camp, and keeping the rest of the troops under arms, to cover those that worked. Afranius and Petreius, to alarm our men and disturb the works, advanced with their troops to the foot of the mountain, and threatened to give battle, But Caesar, trusting to the three legions under arms, and the defence of the ditch, still persisted in his design. At last, after a short stay, and without daring to come forward into the plain, they retreated again to their camp. The third day, Caesar added a rampart to his camp, and brought into it the six cohorts, with the baggage which he had left in his former camp.
Between the city of
The manner of fighting of Afranius's soldiers was, to come forward briskly against an enemy, and boldly take possession of some post, neither taking care to keep their ranks, nor holding it necessary to fight in a close compact body. If they found themselves hard pushed, they thought it no dishonour to retire and quit their posts, following in this the custom of the Lusitanians, and other barbarous nations, as it almost always happens, that soldiers give in to the manners of the country where they have long been used to make war. This manner of fighting, however, as it was new and unexpected, disordered our men, who seeing the enemy come forward, without regard to their ranks, were apprehensive of being surrounded, and yet not think themselves at ensigns, or quit their post, without some very urgent cause. The first ranks therefore being put into disorder, the legion in that wing gave ground, and retired to a neighbouring hill.
Caesar, contrary to his expectation, finding the consternation like to spread
through the whole army, encouraged his men, and led the ninth legion to
their assistance. He soon put a stop to the vigorous and insulting pursuit
of the enemy, obliged them to turn their backs, and pushed them to the very
walls of
The fight had now lasted five hours without intermission, when our men,
oppressed by the multitude of the enemy, and having spent all their darts,
attacked the mountain sword in hand, and overthrowing such as opposed them,
obliged the rest to betake themselves to flight. The pursuit was continued
to the very walls of
Yet such were the circumstances of this day's action, that both sides laid claim to the victory; the Afranians, because, though allowed to be inferior in number, they had long sustained our attack, kept possession of the eminence which occasioned the dispute, and obliged our men at first to give ground: Caesar's troops, because they had maintained a fight of five hours, with a handful of men, and in a very disadvantageous post; because they had attacked the mountain sword in hand ; because they had driven their adversaries from the higher ground, and compelled them to take shelter in the town. Meantime Afranius fortified the hillock which had been the subject of dispute, with a great number of works, and posted there a large body of troops.
Two days after, a very unfortunate accident happened. For so great a storm
arose, that the water was never known to be higher in those parts; and the
snow came down in such quantities from all the mountains round about, that
the river overflowed its banks, and in one day broke down both the bridges
Fabius had built over it. Caesar's army was reduced to great extremities on
this occasion. For his camp, as we have before observed, was between the
Sicoris and Cinga, two rivers that were neither of them fordable, and
necessarily shut him up within the space of no more than thirty miles. By
this means, neither could the states that had declared for him supply him
with provisions, nor the troops that had been sent beyond the rivers to
forage, return, nor the large convoys he expected from
Afranius, on the contrary, abounded in all things. He had large magazines of
corn already laid up, was continually receiving fresh supplies from the
province, and had plenty of forage. The bridge of
The waters continued several days. Caesar endeavoured to re-establish his bridges, but could not get the better of the obstacles occasioned by the swelling of the river, and the enemy's forces stationed on the opposite bank. They found it the easier to prevent his design, as the river was deep and rapid, and they could discharge their darts all along the bank, on that particular spot where our men were at work: whereas it was extremely difficult on our side to struggle with the force of the stream, and, at the same time, guard ourselves against the assaults of the enemy.
Meanwhile Afranius was informed that a large convoy, which was on its way to
join Caesar, had been obliged to halt at the river side. It consisted of
archers from Rovergue, Gaulish horse, with many carts and much baggage,
according to the custom, of the Gauls, and about six thousand men of all
sorts, with their domestics and slaves; but without discipline or commander,
every one following his own choice, and all marching in perfect security, as
if they had nothing more to apprehend than in former times. There were
likewise many young gentlemen of quality, senators' sons, and Roman knights,
with the deputies of the states of
All this served to enhance the price of provisions, a calamity inseparable from present scarcity, and the prospect of filture want. Corn was already at fifty denarii a bushel, the soldiers began to lose their strength, and the evil increased every moment. Nay, so great was the change produced in a few days, and such the alteration of fortune, that while our men were in the utmost want of all kind of necessaries, the enemy had plenty of every thing, and were accounted victorious. Caesar left nothing untried to remove the present scarcity: he dismissed all the useless mouths, and applied to the states that had declared for him, desiring them to send him cattle where they wanted corn.
These things were greatly exaggerated by Afranius, Petreius, and their
friends, in the letters they sent, upon this occasion, to
Affairs being in this extremity, and all the passes guarded by Afranius's
parties, without a possibility of repairing the bridges; Caesar ordered the
soldiers to build some light boats, in imitation of those he had formerly
seen in
The same day he detached a great part of his cavalry over the river; who, falling unexpectedly upon the enemy's foragers, dispersed up and down, without a suspicion of danger, made a considerable capture of men and horses; and observing some Spanish cohorts on the march to their assistance, skilfully divided themselves into two bodies; one to secure the booty; the other, to receive and return the enemy's charge. One of their cohorts, which had rashly separated from the rest, and advanced too far before the main body, was surrounded and cut to pieces by our men, who returned over the same bridge to the camp, without loss, and enriched with a considerably booty.
Whilst these things passed at
Brutus was much inferior to the enemy in number of ships; but Caesar had
manned them with his best soldiers, chosen out of all the legions, and
headed by centurions of distinguished bravery, who had petitioned him for
this service. These had provided themselves with hooks and grapplingirons,
and a great number ofdarts,javelins, and offensive weapons of all sorts.
Thus prepared, upon notice of the enemy's arrival, they stood out to sea,
and attacked their fleet. The conflict was sharp and vigorous. For the
mountaineers, a hardy race, habituated to arms, and trained up in war,
scarce yielded to the Romans in bravery; and, having but just parted from
The townsmen themselves, confiding in the nimbleness of their ships, and the skill of their pilots, eluded the shock of our vessels, and baffled all their attempts. As they had abundance of sea-room, they extended their line of battle, in order to surround our fleet, or attack our ships singly with a number of theirs, or in running along-side, sweep away a range of oars. If they were compelled to come to a closer engagement, setting aside the skill and address of their pilots, they relied wholly on the bravery of their mountaineers. Our men were but indifferently provided with rowers and pilots, who had been hastily taken out of some merchant ships, and knew not so much as the names of the tackle. They were incommoded too by the weight and lumpishness of their vessels, which being built in haste, of unseasoned timber, were not so ready at tacking about. But when an opportunity offered of coming to close fight, they would boldly get between two of the enemy's ships; and grappling them with theirhooks, charge them on each side, board them, and cut to pieces the mountaineers and shepherds that defend them. In this manner they sunk part of their vessels, took some with all the men on board, and drove the rest into the haven. In this engagement, the enemy had nine galleys sunk or taken.
The report of this battle reaching
In the mean time the Oscenses and Calagurritani, jointly sent deputies to
Caesar. with an offer of their submission and services. The Tarraconenses,
Jacitani, and Ausetani, and not many days after, the Illurgavonenses, who
inhabit along the banks of the
These things having struck a terror into the enemy; that he might not be
always obliged to send his cavalry so far about to forage, the bridges lying
about seven miles from his camp, he bethought himself of draining the river,
by turning some of its water into canals thirty feet deep, so as to make it
fordable. The work being almost completed, Petreius and Afranius grew
extremely apprehensive of being entirely cut off from their provisions and
forage, because Caesar was very strong in cavalry. They therefore thought
proper to quit a post that was no longer tenable, and to carry the war into
Celtiberia. What contributed still further to confirm them in this
resolution was, that of the two contrary parties, concerned in the late
war,those who had declared for Sertorius, still trembled at the name of the
conqueror, and dreaded his power, though absent; and those who had attached
themselves to Pompey, continued to love him for the many services he had
done them: but Caesar's name was hardly known among these barbarians. Here
they expected considerable reinforcements of horse and foot; and doubted
not, by taking the advantage of places, to be able to protract the war till
winter. In order to execute this plan, they collected all the boats to be
found on the
Caesar, having notice of this by his scouts, laboured day and night at his
drains with the utmost diligence; and had already so far diminished the
water of the Sicoris, that the cavalry could, with some difficulty, pass
over: but it took the infantry as high as the shoulders, who had therefore
both the depth of the river, and the rapidity of the stream to struggle
with. Meanwhile it was known, that the bridge over the
This was a fresh motive to the enemy to quicken their march: wherefore,
leaving two auxiliary cohorts, for a garrison, at
At day-break we discovered from the hills near the camp, that the enemy's rear was greatly harassed by our cavalry. Sometimes they obliged them to halt, and disordered their ranks: at other times, the enemy facing about, charged with all their cohorts at once, and forced our men to give ground; who, wheeling again as soon as they began to march, failed not to renew the attack. At this sight, the legionary soldiers, running up and down the camp, complained that the enemy would escape out of their hands, and the war necessarily be prolonged. They addressed themselves to the centurions and military tribunes, and desired them to beg of Caesar not to spare them; that they feared neither danger nor fatigue, and were ready to pass the river as the horse had done. Caesar, moved by their alacrity and entreaties, though he saw some danger in exposing his army to the rapidity of a deep river, judged it yet proper to attempt and make trial of the passage. Having therefore withdrawn from every company such as were weak of body, or of less courage than the rest, he left them in the camp with the army happily passed the river, by the assistance of a double line of cavalry, placed above and below them. Some of the infantry were carried away by the violence of the current; but they were picked up and saved by the horse below them; so that no one man was lost. Having passed the river without loss, he drew up his army in order of battle, and began to pursue the enemy in three lines: and such was the ardour of the soldiers, that notwithstanding the army was obliged to make a circuit of six miles, notwithstanding the time necessarily lost in crossing the river, they got up at the ninth hour of the day to the enemy, who had set out at midnight.
When Afranius and Petreius perceived them at some distance, being with reason
intimidated, they suspended their march, halted on an eminence, and formed
in order of battle. Caesar would not hazard an action with his troops, thus
fatigued, and halted likewise in the plain. On this the enemy resumed their
march, and he the pursuit; which obliged them to encamp earlier than they
designed. Hard by was a range of mountains, and about five miles farther,
the ways were difficult and narrow. The enemy retired among these mountains,
to avoid the pursuit of the cavalry; and having placed parties in all the
passes, to stop Caesar's army, hoped, by this means, to continue their march
to the
About midnight, the cavalry having surprised some of the enemy, who had adventured a little too far from their camp in quest of water; Caesar was informed by them, that Pompey's lieutenants were decamping without noise. Immediately he ordered the alarm to be sounded, and gave his army the signal to march. The enemy, finding they should be pursued, kept still; being afraid of a nocturnal flight, wherein they would have had greatly the disadvantage, on account of their heavy baggage which they had with them, and the superiority of Caesar's cavalry. Next day, Petreius went privately out with a party of horse, to take a view of the country. Caesar pose, under the command of Decidius Saxa. Both made the like report in their several camps; that for five miles together, the country was level and open, but after that rough and mountainous; and that whoever should first get possession of the defiles might easily prevent the other army from approaching them.
Upon this, a council of war was held by Petreius and Afranius, to deliberate about the time of beginning their march. The greater number were for setting out by night, in hopes of reaching the defiles before Caesar ould have notice of their departure. Others argued against the possibility of decamping privately, by the alarm given in Caesar's camp the night before: "That the enemy's cavalry were continually patrolling in the night, and had beset all the ways and passes: that a nocturnal engagement was to be avoided, because, in a civil war, the soldiers were more apt to listen to their fears, than the obligations of the military oath: that shame and the presence of the centurions and tribunes, the great instruments of obedience and military duty, could have their proper effect only in the light, which rendered it of infinite importance to wait the approach of day; that in case of a disaster, yet the bulk of the army would escape, and be able to possess themselves of the post in question." This opinion prevailed in the council, and they resolved to set out the next morning by break of day.
Caesar having taken a view of the country, decamped as soon as it was light,
taking a considerable circuit and observing no particular route; for the
direct way to the
As in this march we pursued at first an opposite course, and seemed to turn
our backs upon the enemy, Afranius's soldiers who observed us from their
camp, came forth with joyful looks, and insulted us on our supposed flight,
imagining the want of provisions obliged us to return to
All depended upon despatch, and getting the first possession of the defiles and mountains. Our troops were retarded by the difficulties of the way, and Afranius's by the continual attacks of Caesar's cavalry. But such was the situation of the Afranians, that even supposing them to gain the hills first, they could only secure their own retreat, without a possibility of preserving their baggage, and the cohorts left to guard the camp; because Caesar's army getting between, cut them off from all communication with their own men. Caesar arrived first at the place in question; and having found a plain beyond the rocks, formed his men in order of battle against the enemy. Afranius, who now saw our army in his front, at the same time that his rear was continually harassed by the cavalry, halted on an eminence, from whence he detached four Spanish cohorts, to take possession of the highest mountain thereabouts; ordering them to make all the despatch they could to seize it, that he might get thither himself with the rest of his forces, and changing his route, march them over the hills to Octogesa. The Spaniards wheeling obliquely, to take possession of the place, were perceived by Caesar's cavalry; who charged them furiously, broke them at the first onset, surrounded, and cut them in pieces in sight of both armies.
Caesar had now an opportunity of giving the enemy an effectual blow; whose army, in the present consternation it was under, would, he was sensible, make but a faint resistance; more especially as it was surrounded on all sides by the cavalry, and would be obliged to fight on equal ground. He was pressed, on all hands, to give the signal. The lieutenants, centurions, and military tribunes got round him, urging him not to delay the engagement: "That the soldiers were all eager for a battle; whereas, on the contrary, the Afranians had given many marks of fear: that they had neither dared to support their own detachment, nor offered to descend from the hill, nor been able to withstand the very first charge of our cavalry; that they had brought their ensigns all into one place where they crowded confusedly round them, without observing ranks or order: that if he was afraid to attack them on the eminence, he would soon have an opportunity of more equal ground, as Afranius would be obliged to remove for want of water."
Caesar was in hopes of terminating the affair without bloodshed, or a battle; because he had intercepted the enemy's provisions. Why therefore, even supposing the event to be prosperous, should he unnecessarily lose any of his men? Why should he expose to wounds, soldiers who had so well deserved of him? Why, in fine, should he tempt fortune? especially as it redounded no less to the honour of a good general, to gain the victory by his conduct, than by the force of his arms. He was also touched with compassion for Afranius's soldiers; who after all, were fellow-citizens, and whom he must have slaughtered, when he could equally succeed without touching their lives. This resolution was not at all relished by the army; who, in their discontent, openly declared, that since Caesar did not lay hold of so favourable an opportunity, nor let them fight when they had a mind, they would not fight when he had a mind. But nothing could shake him. Nay, he even retreated a little, to give Afranius and Petreius liberty to regain their camp, which they did. He then posted troops on the mountains, to guard the defiles. and came and encamped as near the enemy as possible.
The day after, Pompey's lieutenants, disturbed at finding their provisions
cut off, and all the ways to the
In their absence, their soldiers found frequent opportunities of conversing with our men, and sought out every one his fellowcitizen and acquaintance. They began by thanking them for having spared them the day before, owning they were indebted to them for their lives. Afterwards they asked them, if they might trust to Caesar's honour; testifying much grief at being obliged to fight with their countrymen and relations, with whom they were united by the strictest ties. At last they stipulated even for their generals, whom they would not seem to betray: and promised, if the lives of Petreius and Afranius were granted them, to change sides. At the same time they sent some of their principal officers to negotiate with Caesar; and these preliminaries to an accommodation being settled, the soldiers of both armies went into one another's tents, so that the two camps were now in a manner one. A great number of centurions and military tribunes came to pay their court to Caesar, and beg his protection. The Spanish chiefs, who had been summoned to attend Afranius, and were detained in the camp as hostages, followed their example. Every man sought out his acquaintance and friend, who might recommend and procure him a favourable reception from Caesar. Things were carried to such a length, that Afranius's son, a young gentleman, treated with Caesar, by the mediation of Sulpicius, to desire he would give his word for his life, and that of his father. The joy was general; they mutually congratulated each other; the one, in that they had escaped so imminent a danger; and the other, in that they had brought to a happy conclusion so important an enterprise, without striking a blow. Caesar, in the judgment of all, was upon the point of amply reaping the fruits of his wonted clemency, and every body applauded his late conduct.
Afranius, having notice of what passed, quitted the work he was engaged in, and returned to the camp; prepared, as it would seem, to bear with an equal mind not wanting to himself. He armed his slaves; and joining them to a pretorian cohort of target-bearers, and some Spanish horse, his dependents, whom he always kept about him to guard his person; he instantly flew to the rampart, broke off the conferences of the soldiers, drove our men from the camp, and put all of them he could find to the sword. The rest flocked together; where, alarmed at the danger to which they saw themselves exposed, they wrapped their cloaks round their left arms, drew their swords, and, trusting to the nearness of their camp, defended themselves against the Spanish target-bearers and cavalry, till they had retreated to our advanced guard, who screened them from any further assault.
After this he went through the whole camp, begging his troops, with tears, to have pity on him, and Pompey their general; and that they would not deliver them both up to the cruel vengeance of their enemies. Every one upon this flocks to the head-quarters. There Petreius proposes to the army to bind themselves by a new oath, not to abandon nor betray their commanders, nor to act separately, but all in concert, for the common good. He himself took this oath first, and then exacted it of Afranius, afterwards of the military tribunes and centurions, and lastly of all the companies, man by man, At the same time an order was issued that all who had any of Caesar's soldiers in their tents should signify it, that they might be put to death in the sight of the whole army. But the majority detesting this bloody order, carefully hid those who were under their protection, and procured them means to escape in the night. However, the terror they had been thrown into by their generals, the severity shown in punishing, and the new oath they had been obliged to take, defeated, for the present, all hopes of a surrender, changed the soldiers' minds, and reduced the war to its former state.
Caesar ordered diligent search to be made after such of the enemy's soldiers as had come to his camp during the time of conference, and carefully sent them back. Some military tribunes and centurions voluntarily chose to stay with him; whom he afterwards treated with great distinction; promoting the centurions to higher ranks, and honouring the Roman knights with the office of military tribunes.
The Afranian troops were destitute of forage, and could not water without
much difficulty. The legionary soldiers had, indeed, some provisions,
because they had been ordered to bring two and twenty days' corn with them
from
The manner of fighting was thus: Some light-armed cohorts formed the rearguard, which, in a plain, halted from time to time, and made head against our cavalry. When they fell in with an eminence, the very nature of the ground furnished them with the means of defending themselves, because those who were first could, cover them behind. But when a valley or descent came in the way, the van could give no assistance to the rear, and our cavalry annoyed them with their darts from the higher ground, which put them in imminent danger. In this case, the legions were obliged to halt, and endeavour to drive back the cavalry a good way, after which they ran down the valley precipitately, until they came to the opposite eminence. For their cavalry, of which they had a considerable number, was so terrified by their ill success in former skirmishes, that, far from being of any service, they were forced to place it in the centre to secure it; and if any of them chanced to straggle from the main body, they were immediately taken by Caesar's horse.
During these continual skirmishes, in which the enemy were often obliged to halt, in order to disengage their rear, it is easy to perceive that their march could not be very expeditious. This was in fact the case; so that after advancing four miles, finding themselves greatly incommoded by the cavalry they halted on an eminence, and drew a line before them, as it were to encamp, but did not unload their beasts of burden. When they saw that Caesar had marked out his camp, pitched his tents, and sent his cavalry to forage; suddenly, towards noon, they resumed their march briskly, hoping to be rid of the cavalry which had so much incommoded them. But Caesar set out immediately with his legions, leaving a few cohorts to guard the baggage, and sent orders to his cavalry to return with all diligence. The cavalry returned accordingly, and having overtaken the enemy before the close of day, attacked their rear so vigorously, that they were almost routed, a great number of soldiers, and even some centurions being slain. Caesar's whole army came up, and threatened them with an immediate attack.
As they could then neither choose a proper place for a camp, nor continue their march, they were forced to halt where they were, far from any water, and on very disadvantageous ground. Caesar did not offer to attack them, for the reasons mentioned before: he would not even permit any tents to be pitched that day, that he might be the readier to pursue with all his forces, should they attempt to escape either by night or by day. The Afranians perceiving the disadvantage of their situation, employed the whole night in throwing up intrenchments, and disposed their camp directly fronting ours. The same they did the following day, from sun-rise till evening. But the farther they extended their camp, and produced their lines, in order to better their position, the farther they went from water, and to avoid one inconvenience, fell into another. The first night nobody went out of the camp for water, and the next day the whole army was obliged to do it in order of battle, so that they could not forage that day. Caesar waited to humble them by these misfortunes, and reduce them by want and necessity rather than force. He began, however, to draw lines round the camp, the better to check their sudden sallies and irruptions, to which he foresaw they would be obliged to have recourse at last. Want, soon constrained them to kill all the beasts of burden.
Two days were spent in forming and executing those resolutions; on the third, Caesar had considerably advanced his works. Afranius and Petreius, sensible of the consequences, drew all their forces out of the camp, and formed them in order of battle. Caesar previously called in his workmen, assembled his cavalry, and put his army in a condition to receive them, for he was aware of the hurt his reputation might sustain, if, contrary to the opinion of the troops, and the earnest expectations of all, he should still seem to decline an engagement. However, for the reasons already mentioned, he resolved to keep only upon the defensive; and the rather, because the distance between the two camps was so small, that should he even put his adversaries to rout, he could not flatter himself with the hopes of a complete victory. In fact, from camp to camp was not above two thousand feet; the armies were posted on each side of this space, which was left void for the mutual charge and assault of the soldiers. On supposition therefore of a battle, the nearness of their camp furnished an easy retreat to the vanquished. For this reason he resolved to wait the enemy's charge, and not enter the first into action.
Afranius's troops were ranged in two lines, consisting of five legions, and the cohorts wont to be stationed in the wings, formed a body of reserve. Caesar's army was upon three lines; in the first of which were posted four cohorts, detached out of each of the five legions; in the second three; and in the third the like number, all from their respective legions: the archers and slingers were disposed in the midst, and the cavalry on the two wings. The armies being drawn up in this manner, each general kept firm to his resolution; Caesar, not to engage, unless forced to it; and Afranius, to prevent the progress of our works. In this posture they continued till sun-set, when both armies returned to their several camps. The next day, Caesar prepared to finish his lines; and Pompey's lieutenants, as their last resource, endeavoured to find a fordable place in the Sicoris. But Caesar, penetrating their design, sent his light-armed Germans, with part of good bodies of troops along the banks, at a small distance from one another.
At last, having no hope left, and being in want of every thing, wood, water, forage, corn, they demanded an interview, and that it might be, if possible, in some place out of the sight of the soldiers. Caesar denied the last part of their request, but offered to grant them a public interview; whereupon Afranius, having given his son for a hostage, went to the place appointed by Caesar, where, in the presence of both armies, he addressed him to this effect: "That it was no just matter of blame, either in him or his soldiers, to have preserved their fidelity to their general, Pompey; but that they had now sufficiently acquitted themselves of their duty, and suffered enough in his cause, by the want of all kind of necessaries; that like wild beasts caught in a toil, they were deprived of the most common enjoyments, having their bodies oppressed by want, and their minds overwhelmed with ignominy, that they therefore acknowledged themselves vanquished, and besought and conjured him, not to make a rigorous use of his victory, but to spare the lives of his unhappy countrymen." This speech was delivered with all possible marks of humility and submission.
Caesar replied, "That he of all mankind, had least reason to complain, or
implore compassion: that all the rest had fully done their duty; himself, in
forbearing to attack him, with all the advantages of time and place, that
the way to an accommodation might be the more open; his army, in returning
untouched, the men that were in their power, after injuries received, and
the massacre of their comrades: in fine, even his own troops, in
endeavouring to conclude a peace, whereon they thought their safety
depended. Thus all orders had shown an inclination to treat, while Afranius
and Petreius alone opposed an accommodation, refusing both interview and
truce, and barbarously murdering those whom the faith of a conference had
enticed to their camp: that it had therefore happened to them, as frequently
happens to men of obstinacy and arrogance, and they were forced to have
recourse to those conditions, and earnestly solicit the very same terms,
which not long before they had despised. However, he would not take
advantage of their present submission, or the favourable circumstances in
which he found himself, to demand any thing tending to the increase of his
own power, but only that they would disband those troops which they had now
for so many years kept on foot against him. For with what other view had six
legions been sent into
These conditions were agreeable to Afranius's soldiers, who, instead of being
punished, as they feared, were in some sort rewarded by the discharge
procured them. They plainly showed their satisfaction. For, while the place
and time of their dismission were debating, they signified by their gestures
and cries from the rampart, where they stood, that they desired to be
disbanded immediately; because no sufficient security could be given for the
performance of what was put off till another time. After some discussion of
that article by Caesar and Afranius, it was regulated, that those who had
houses or possessions in
Caesar undertook to find them in corn until they got to the Var. He even promised to restore to them all they had lost in the war, that could be known again; himself indemnifying his own soldiers, who hereby lost quired their confidence to such a degree, that he was arbiter of all the disputes they had, either among themselves, or with their commanders. The soldiers being ready to mutiny about their pay, because Petreius and Afranius affirmed it was not yet due, the matter was referred to Caesar, who determined it to the satisfaction of both parties. About a third of the army was disbanded during the two days they continued here, after which the rest set out for the Var in this order. Two of Caesar's legions marched at the head, the others in the rear, and the vanquished troops in the middle. Q. Fufius Calenus, one of Caesar's lieutenants, presided over the march. In this manner they continued their route to the Var, where the remainder of the troops were disbanded.
While these things passed in
But so well was the town provided with all the requisites of war, and so great was the multitude of machines to annoy the besiegers, that no mantles were sufficient to withstand their violence. For they had wooden bars, twelve feet in length, armed at the point with iron, which were shot with such force from their balistae, that they pierced four rows of hurdles, and entered a considerable way into the ground. To resist the violence of these batteries, the besiegers made use of galleries, whose roofs consisted of pieces of wood of about a foot in thickness, strongly compacted together. Under this cover, the materials necessary for raising the terrace were conveyed: and a tortoise, sixty feet long, every thing necessary to defend it against fire and stones, went before, to level the ground. But in spite of all endeavours, the greatness of the works, the height of the wall and towers, and the multitude of machines made use of by the besieged, greatly retarded the approaches. Besides, the mountaineers made frequent sallies, and set fire to the towers and mount: which though our men easily sustained, driving them back with great loss into the town, yet failed not very much to incommode the works.
In the mean time L. Nasidius, sent by Pompey to the assistance of Domitius
and the Marseillians, with a fleet of sixteen ships, some of which were
strengthened with beaks of brass, passed the straits of
The Marseillians, after their defeat, had drawn as many old ships out of the docks as they had lost in the engagement, and repaired and rigged them with wondrous expedition. They were likewise well provided with rowers and pilots; and had prepared a number of fishing barks, which they filled with archers and engines, and strengthened with roofs, to shelter the rowers from the enemy's darts. The fleet being equipped in this manner, the Marseillians, animated by the prayers and tears of theirold men, matrons, and virgins, to exert themselves in defence of their country in so pressing a conjuncture; embarked with no less confidence and assurance, than they had before their late defeat. For such is the weakness of the human mind, that things dark, hidden, and unknown, always produce in us a greater degree of confidence or terror; as happened in the present case: for the arrival of Nasidius had filled all men with an uncommon share of hope and eagerness. The wind springing up fair, they set sail, and rendezvoused at Tauroenta, a castle belonging to the town, where Nasidius lay with his fleet. Here they put their ships in order, armed themselves with courage for a second encounter, and entering readily into all the measures proposed by Nasidius, left to him the command of the left wing, and stationed themselves upon the right.
Brutus sailed to meet them, with his fleet considerably increased; for
besides the ships which Caesar had caused to be built at
Accordingly, in the engagement, they behaved with the most determined courage. The remembrance of what their wives and children had represented to them at their departure served to exalt their bravery; in a full persuasion, that this was the last opportunity they should have of exerting themselves in defence of their country; and that if they fell in the engagement, their fellow-citizens could not long survive them, as their fate must be the same upon the taking of the town. Our ships being at some distance from each other, both gave the enemy's pilots an opportunity of showing their address in working their vessels, and flying to the assistance of their friends, when they were laid hold on by our grappling hooks. And indeed, when it came to a close fight, they seconded the mountaineers with wonderful resolution, and, in bravery, seemed to yield but little to our men. At the same time, a great quantity of darts, poured incessantly from their smaller frigates, wounded a great many of our rowers, and such of the soldiers as were without shelter. Two of their galleys fell upon that of Brutus, which was easily distinguished by its flag; but though they attacked him on both sides, he extricated himself with such agility and address, as in a short time to get a little before; which made them run foul of each other so violently, that they were both considerably shattered; one in particular had its beak broken, and was in a manner totally crushed; which being observed by those of our fleet that lay nearest, they suddenly fell upon and sunk them, before they could recover out of their disorder.
In this encounter, the ships under Nasidius were of no manner of service to
the Marseillians, but quickly retired out of the fight. For as they were
neither animated by the sight of their country, nor the entreaties of their
relations, they were not very forward to expose their lives to hazard, but
escaped without hurt from the combat. The Marseillians had five ships sunk,
and four taken. One escaped to the coast of hither
The legionaries, who had the charge of tower of brick, built at a little distance from the walls, would be of great service to shelter them from the frequent sallies of the enemy. At first they made it very low and small, to guard against sudden incursions. Hither they retired in case of danger: here they defended themselves against the most obstinate attacks of the enemy; nay, even assaulted them in their turn, repulsed, and pursued them. This tower was of a square form, thirty feet every way, allowing for the thickness of the walls, which might be about five feet. Afterwards, (being instructed by experience, which is the best of teachers,) they plainly perceived, that the higher it was carried, the more serviceable it would prove. The manner of effecting it was thus:
When the work was raised to the height of one story, they laid a floor over it, the extremities of whose beams were concealed in the thickness of the wall; that they might not by appearing on the outside, be liable to be set on fire. Thence they continued the wall directly upwards, as far as their galleries and mantles would allow. Here they laid two beams crosswise, whose extremities almost reached the angles of the wall, for supporting the floor, which was to serve as a roof to the whole. Over these beams they laid the joists of the roof, and boarded them with planks. The roof was so contrived as to project a little beyond the wall, in order to suspend from it what might be necessary to shelter the workmen, while employed in completing the story. This floor was paved with tiles and clay, to render it proof against fire, and had besides a covering of strong mattresses, to break the force of stones and darts. At the same time they suspended from the beams of the roof, that projected beyond the wall, curtains made of strong cables, woven to the depth of four feet, and which went round the three sides of the tower that were exposed to the engines of the enemy; having experienced on former occasions, that this kind of cover was impenetrable to any dart or engine whatever. When this part of the tower was finished, roofed, and sheltered from the enemy's blows, they removed their mantles to another, and by means of engines elevated the roof entire from the first story, as far as the curtains would allow. There, secure from all insult, they laboured at the wall, elevating the roof a second time, and thereby enabling themselves both to continue the work, and lay the interjacent floors. In this manner they proceeded from story to story, mounting them one upon another, till without danger or wounds, they had completed the number of six, leaving loop-holes in convenient places, for the engines to play through.
When, by means of this tower, they thought they had sufficiently provided for the security of the works around it, they resolved to build a gallery sixty feet long, of wood, two feet in thickness, to extend from the brick tower to the tower of the enemy, and the very walls of the town. The form of the gallery was this: First, two beams of equal length were laid upon the ground, at the distance of four feet from one another; and in these were fixed little pillars five feet high, joined at the top by beams designed to suppirt the roof of the gallery. Over these were laid rafters, two feet square, fastened strongly with nails and plates of iron. The upper part of the roof was composed of square laths, four inches thick, which were placed at a small distance one from another, to bear the tiles that were to be laid upon them. Thus was the whole finished with a sloping roof, which being partly composed of tiles and mortar, was proof against fire, and had besides a covering of hides, to hinder the mortar from being washed away by spouts of water. Over all we threw strong mattresses, to screen the hides from fire and stones. This work was finished close by the brick tower, under cover of four mantles, and immediately carried forward upon rollers, in the manner ships are launched, till it unexpectedly reached the very tower of the enemy.
The Marseillians astonished at so threatening and unlooked-for a machine, pushed forward with levers the largest stones they could find, and tumbled them from the top of the wall upon the gallery. But the strength of the wood resisted the violence of their blows, so that they fell to the ground without doing any hurt. Observing this, they changed their design, and poured down upon us burning barrels of pitch and tallow. But these likewise rolled along the roof without damage, and falling upon the ground, were afterwards thrust away with forks and long poles. Meanwhile our soldiers, under protection of the gallery, were endeavouring with their levers to undermine the enemy's tower. The gallery itself was defended by tne tower of brick whence our engines played without intermission insomuch that the enemy, driven from their tower and walls, were at last obliged to abandon their defence. By degrees the tower being undermined, part of it fell down, and the rest was so shaken that it could not stand long.
Upon this the enemy, alarmed at so unexpected a misfortune, discouraged by the downfall of the tower, awed by such a testimony of the wrath of the gods, and dreading the plunder and devastation of their city, came forth in the habit of suppliants, and with outstretched hands, besought the compassion of the army and generals.
At this new and unexpected sight, all acts of hostility ceased, and the soldiers, laying aside their ardour for the fight, were eager to hear and get acquainted with the proposals of the enemy, who arriving ib presence of the army and generals, threw themselves at their feet, requesting them to suspend all further operations till Caesar's arrival. They told them: "That as the works were now completed, and the tower destroyed, they were sensible the city could no longer hold out, and therefore meant not to defend it: that in the mean time, no prejudice could arise to the besiegers from this respite, because, if they refused to submit upon Caesar's coming, he would have it in his power to treat them as he pleased. They added, that if the whole tower should be brought down, it would be impossible to hinder the soldiers from yielding to the desire of plunder, by breaking into and pillaging the town." This, and much more of the same nature (for the Marseillians are a learned people), they urged in a very moving and pathetic strain.
The generals, moved by these monstrances, drew off the soldiers from the works, discontinued the attack, and contented themselves with posting guards in convenient places. Compassion occasioned a kind of truce till Caesar's arrival; so that on neither side were any acts of hostility committed, but every thing was quiet and secure, as if the siege had beenl= at an end. For Caesar had earnestly recommended it to Trebonius, by letter, to prevent, if possible, the city's being taken by storm, lest the soldiers, irritated by their revolt, and the resistance they had found, should put all the youth to the sword, as they threatened to do. Nay, they were even then hardly restrained from breaking into the town, and loudly murmured against Trebonius for delaying a conquest which they looked upon as certain.
But the Marseillians, a nation without faith, aimed at nothing further in all this, than to find a time and opportunity to deceive us, and put in practice the treacherous purpose they had formed. For after some days, our men suspecting no danger, but relying upon the good faith of the enemy, while some were retired to their tents, others laid down, to rest in the trenches, overpowered by the long fatigue they had undergone, and all the arms laid up and removed out of sight, suddenly they sallied from the town, and the wind being high, and favourable to their design, set fire to the works. The flame in a moment spread itself on all sides, insomuch that the battery, the mantles, the tortoise, the tower, the machines, and the gallery were entirely destroyed, before it was possible to discover whence the disaster arose. The suddenness of the accident made our men immediately run to their arms, where every one took what came first to hand. Some sallied out upon the enemy, but were checked by the arrows and darts poured upon them from the town; insomuch that the Marseillians, sheltered by their walls, burnt without any difficulty the tower of brick and the gallery. Thus the labour of many months was destroyed in an instant, by the treachery of an enemy, and the violence of the wind. Next day they made the same attempt, favoured by the same wind, and with yet greater assurance, against the tower and terrace of the other attack. They approached them boldly, and threw plenty of fire upon them; but our men, grown wise by their late misfortune, had made all necessary preparations for their defence, so that after losing many men, they were obliged to retreat into the city, without effecting their purpose.
Trebonius immediately resolved to repair his loss, in which he found himself
warmly seconded by the zeal of the soldiers. They saw the works, which had
cost so much labour and toil, destroyed by the perfidy of a people, who made
no scruple of violating the most sacred engagements: they saw that their
credulity had been abused, and that they were become the jest of their
enemies, which grieved and provoked them at the same time. But it was still
difficult to determine whence they might be supplied with wood, to repair
all these works. There was none in the neighbourhood of
The enemy seeing we had repaired, in so short a time, what they imagined must have cost us the labour of many days; that there was now no hope left, either of deceiving us, or sallying out upon us with success; that all the approaches to the city by land, might in like manner be shut up by a wall and towers, so as to render it impossible for them to appear upon their works, our walls overtopping and commanding theirs, that they could neither discharge their javelins, nor make any use of their engines, in which their principal hope lay; and that they were now reduced to the necessity of fighting us upon equal terms, though conscious of their great inferiority in point of valour; they were forced to have recourse again to the same conditions of truce they had so ill observed before.
M. Varro, in farther
He raised troops over the whole province; added thirty auxiliary cohorts to
the two legions he had already under his command; formed great magazines of
corn to supply
Caesar, though called upon by many and necessary affairs to return to
Having therefore detached two legions into farther
This determined Varro to make all possible despatch, that he might reach
Caesar, assembling the states at
The Marseillians, overwhelmed with profusion of calamities, reduced to the
utmost distress by famine, worsted in two different engagements by sea,
weakened by continual sallies, assaulted by a heavy pestilence, occasioned
by the length of the siege, and their constant change of diet (for they were
obliged to feed upon old meal and musty barley, which had been long
treasured up in their magazines against an accident of this kind), their
tower being overthrown, a great part of their walls undermined, and no
prospect of relief from armies or the provinces, which were now all reduced
under Caesar's power, they resolved to surrender in good earnest. But some
days before, Domitius, who was apprized of their intentions, having prepared
three ships (two of which he assigned to his followers, and embarked in
person on board the third), took occasion, during a storm, to make his
escape. Some of Brutus's galleys, which he had ordered to keep constantly
cruising before the port, chancing to get sight of him, prepared to give
chace. That in which Domitius was, escaped under favour of the tempest; but
the two others, alarmed at seeing our galleys so near them, re-entered the
port. Caesar spared the town, more in regard to its antiquity and
reputation, than any real merit it could plead. He obliged the citizens
however to deliver up their arms, machines, and ships of war, whether in the
port or arsenal; to surrender all the money in their treasury; and to
receive a garrison of two legions. Then sending the rest of the army into
About the same time, C. Curio sailed from
Curio ordered him to sail directly for
When he had taken a view of this post, he went next and examined Varus's
camp, which was under the walls of the town, towards the gate named the Gate
of War. The situation of it was extremely advantageous; for on the one side
it was covered by the city of
These things despatched, Curio repaired to his camp at Bagrada, where, with
the joint acclamations of the whole army, he was saluted by the name of
Imperator. Next day he led his army towards
Next night, two centurions of the nation of the Marsi, with twenty-two private soldiers, deserted from Curio, and went over to Attius Varus. These, either believing the thing themselves, or desirous to carry grateful tidings to Varus (for we easily believe what we wish, and readily hope that others will fall into our way of thinking), assured him, that the whole army was extremely averse to Curio, and would infallibly revolt, if he would but advance, and come to a conference with them, Accordingly Varus drew out his legions next day. Curio did the same; and the two armies stood facing one another in order of battle, with a small valley between them.
Sextus Quintilius Varus, who, as we have related above, had been made
prisoner at
But an uncommon panic soon spread itself over Curio's camp, which the various discourses of the soldiers served only to increase. For every one had his opinion, and added the suggestions of his own fear to that which he heard from others. These reports spreading from one to many, and receiving additions in every new relation, there appeared to be several authors of the same notions "That in a civil war it was lawful for every soldier to choose what side he pleased; that the same legion, who a little before had fought on the side of the enemy, might, without scruple, return again to the same cause, since Caesar's conferring favours upon his enemies, ought not to render them unmindful of prior and greater obligations: that even the municipal towns were divided in their affection, and sided some with one party, some with another." These discourses proceeded not from the Marsi and Peligni alone, but ran like a torrent through the whole camp. However, some of the soldiers blamed their companions for this so great freedom of talk and others, who affected to appear more diligent than the rest, enlarged in their accounts of it to the officers.
For these reasons,Curio summoning a council of war, began to deliberate were
for attacking, at all hazards, the camp of Varus, in order to find
employment for the soldiers, whose idleness they considered as the cause of
all the present alarms. Besides, it was better, they said, to trust to
valour, and try the fortune of a battle, than see themselves abandoned by
their men, and delivered up to the barbarity of the enemy. Others were for
retiring, during the night, to the Cornelian camp, where they would have
more time to cure the infatuation of the soldiers; and whence, in case of a
disaster, they could, with more safety and ease, make good their retreat
into
Curio relished neither of these notions: the one, he thought, argued cowardice; the other, a rash boldness: to retreat, would have all the appearance of a shameful flight; to attack, they must resolve to fight in a place of disadvantage. "With what hope," said he, "can we attack a camp fortified by nature and art? And what advantage can we draw from an attempt, whence we shall be obliged to retire with loss ? Does not success always secure to a general the affection of his troops, whereas ill fortune is evermore followed with contempt ? And what would a decampment imply but an ignominious flight, an absolute despair of all things, and an unavoidable alienation of the whole army? That we ought not to let the modest think we distrust them, nor the insolent that we fear them; because the knowledge of our fear only augments the presumption of the one, and an apprehension of being suspected, abates the zeal of the other. But if what is reported of the discontent of the army be true, which I am yet unwilling to believe, at least to the degree some pretend; we ought, for that reason, rather to hide and dissemble our fears, than by an unreasonable discovery of them, to add strength to the evil: that, as in some cases, it was necessary to conceal the wounds of the body, that the enemy might not conceive hope from our misfortunes; so also ought we to hide the indisposition of an army: that by retreating in the night, as some proposed, they would only furnish a fairer occasion to the ill-affected to execute their purpose: for fear and shame are powerful restraints by day, but night entirely divests them of their force: that he was neither so rash, as to attack a camp without hopes of success; nor so blinded by fear, as to be at a loss what measures to pursue: that he thought it his duty to examine things to the bottom; and as he had called them together to deliberate upon the present state of affairs, doubted not, with their assistance, to take such measures as would be attended with success."
He then dismissed the council; and assembling the soldiers, put them in mind
of what advantage their steadiness and zeal had been to Caesar at
These remonstrances made such an impression upon the soldiers, that they frequently interrupted him while he was speaking, and appeared deeply touched at his suspecting their fidelity. As he retired, they all gathered round him, exhorting him not to be discouraged, or scruple to hazard a battle, and make trial of their fidelity and bravery. This behaviour of the troops wrought so great a change in the minds of the officers, that Curio, with the joint concurrence of them all, resolved to give battle the first opportunity that offered. Accordingly, drawing out his men next day, in the same place he had done for some time past, he ranged them in order of battle. Attius Varus did the same; that if an opportunity offered, either of corrupting the soldiers, or fighting to advantage, he might be in readiness to lay hold of it.
Between the two armies lay a valley, as we have observed above, not indeed
considerable for its breadth, but steep and difficult of ascent. Both
sideswaited till the other should pass it, that they might engage to more
advantage. Curio observing that all the horse on Varus's right wing,
together with the lightarmed foot, had ventured down into this valley,
detached his cavalry against them, with two cohorts of Marrucinians; whose
first shock the enemy were not able to sustain, but returned full speed to
their own men, leaving the light-armed foot behind, who were surrounded and
cut to pieces in the sight of Varus's army; which, fronting that way, was
witness to the flight of the one, and the slaughter of the other. Upon this
Rebilus, one of Caesar's lieutenants, whom Curio had brought with him from
In this flight, one Fabius Pelignus, a centurion of the lowest rank in Curio's army, as he was pursuing the fugitives, called with a loud voice to Varus as if he had been one of his own men, who wanted to admonish him of something. Varus hearing himself named several times, turned and stood still, demanding who he was, and what he wanted. Fabius would certainly have killed him, had not Varus warded it off with his shield. Fabius himself was soon after surrounded and slain. Meanwhile, the multitude of fugitives so closed up the gates of the camp, and pressed upon one another in such a manner, that more were crowded to death, than fell either in the battle or pursuit. Nay, the camp itself was very near being taken; because great numbers, instead of stopping there to defend it, made directly for the town. But both the nature of the ground, and the fortifications themselves, prevented the assault; and the rather, as Curio's soldiers being armed only for battle, had brought with them none of the necessary tools to force a camp. Curio brought back his army without the loss of a man, Fabius excepted. Of the enemy, about six hundred were killed, and a thousand wounded. After Curio had drawn off his men, all the wounded quitted the camp, and retired into the city, as did a great many others, who, overcome by fear, sheltered themselves there also under the same pretence. Varus observing this, and that a universal dread had seized the army, left only a trumpet in the camp, with a few tents for show, and, about midnight, silently entered the town with all his forces.
Next day Curio resolved to besiege
Curio received the same news, but for some time would not believe it, so
greatly did he confide in his good fortune. Besides, Caesar's success in
This resolution being taken, and meeting with general approbation, some of
the townsmen, who had deserted to Curio, informed him, that the war in which
Curio had set out with all his forces about the fourth watch of the night,
leaving only five cohorts to guard his camp. After a march of six miles he
was met by his cavalry, who informed him of all that had passed. He asked
the prisoners, who commanded at Bagradas? They answered, Sabura. Upon this,
without making any further inquiries, for fear of being detained too long,
he turned to the troops next to him, and said, "Do you not see,
fellow-soldiers, that the report of the prisoners corresponds exactly with
the intelligence given by the deserters?
Curio, flattered with new hopes, and imagining, by the enemy's motions, that they were preparing for flight, made his troops come down from the mountain into the plain;
and advancing still farther, though his army was already very much fatigued, halted at last to give the men breath. That moment Sabura sounded the charge, led on his men in order of battle, and went from rank to rank to animate the troops; but he suffered only the cavalry to come to blows, keeping the infantry at a distance within sight. Curio was not wanting on his side, but exhorted his men to place all their hopes in their valour. And indeed neither the infantry, though fatigued with their march, nor the cavalry, though few in number, and spent with toil, showed any want of valour, or backwardness to fight; though the last in particular did not exceed two hundred, the rest having stopped by the way. These, wherever they attacked the enemy, obliged them to give ground, but they could neither pursue far, nor drive their horses on with impetuosity, On the other hand, the Numidian cavalry began to surround our men, and charge them in the rear. When the cohorts advanced against them, they fell back, and by the quickness of their retreat, eluded the charge, but immediately returning, they got behind our men, and cut them off from the rest of the army. Thus it was equally dangerous for them to maintain their ranks, or advance to battle. The enemy's forces increased continually, by the reinforcements sent from the king; ours, on the contrary, were disabled by fatigue. Neither could our wounded men retire, or be sent to any place of safety, the whole army being invested by the enemy's horse. These despairing of safety, as is usual for men in the last moments of life, either lamented their own fate, or recommended their relations to their fellow-soldiers, if any should be so fortunate as to escape that danger. The whole army was filled with consternation and grief.
Curio perceiving the general alarm, and that neither his exhortations nor prayers were regarded, ordered the troops to retire with the standards to the nearest mountains, as the only resource in the present exigence. But the cavalry detached by Sabura had already seized them. All hope being now lost, some were slain while endeavouring to fly; others threw themselves upon the ground, partly in despair, partly unable to make any efforts for their own safety. At this moment, Cn. Domitius, who commanded the horse, addressing Curio, encavalry that remained, promising not to abandon him. "Can I," says Curio, "look Caesar in the face, after having lost an army he had committed to my charge?" So saying, he continued fighting till he was slain. Very few of the cavalry escaped, those only excepted who had stopped to refresh their horses; for perceiving at a distance the rout of the whole army, they returned to their camp. All the infantry were slain to a man.
When this disaster was known, M. Rufus the questor, whom Curio had left to
guard the camp, entreated his men not to lose courage. They begged and
requested him to reconduct them into
Thus only a few soldiers and aged men, who either through interest or
compassion were received on board, or had strength enough to swim to the
transports, got safe to
Caesar, as dictator, holding the Comitia, Julius Caesar, and P. Servilius,
were chosen consuls; for this was the year in which he could be elected to
that magistracy, consistent with the laws. This affair being despatched, as
Caesar saw public credit at a stand over all
All this business, with the celebration of the Latin festivals, and the
holding of the comitia for elections, took him up eleven days, at the end of
which he abdicated the dictatorship, and immediately set out from
Pompey having had a whole year to complete his preparations, undisturbed by
wars, and free from the interruption of an enemy, had collected a mighty
fleet from
He had raised nine legions of Roman citizens; five he had brought with him
from
To subsist this mighty army, he had taken care to amass vast quantities of
corn from
Caesar, upon his arrival at
Lucretius Vespillo and Minucius Rufus were at Oricum, with eighteen Asiatic
ships: and Bibulus had a hundred and ten at
Caesar having landed his troops, sent the fleet back the same night to
After the departure of the Liburnian his command, sailed from
We have seen that L. Vibullius Rufus, Pompey's chief engineer, had fallen
twice into Caesar's hands, and been as often set at liberty; the first time
at
Vibullius having received these instructions, thought it necessary to give
Pompey speedy notice of Caesar's arrival, that he might be provided against
that event, before he laid open the commission he was charged with.
Accordingly, journeying day and night, and frequently changing horses, for
the greater expedition, he at length got to Pompey, and informed him that
Caesar was approaching with all his forces. Pompey was at that time in
Candavia, from whence he was marching through
Caesar having made himself master of Oricum, marched directly to
Meanwhile Pompey, having notice of what passed at Oricum and
Kalenus having embarked the legions and cavalry at
Bibulus, as we have related above, lay at Oricum, with his fleet; and as he
deprived Caesar of all supplies by sea, so was he, in like manner, greatly
incommoded by Caesar at land; who, having disposed parties along the coast,
hindered him from getting water or wood, or coming near the shore. This was
attended with many inconveniences, and threw him into great straits;
insomuch that he was obliged to fetch all his other necessaries, as well as
wood and water, from the island of
Caesar was then at
to which Caesar neither at that time returned any answer, nor do we now
think it of importance enough to be transmitted to posterity. Caesar's
demands were: "That he might have leave to send ambassadors to Pompey; and
that they would either stipulate for their return, or undertake themselves
to convey them in safety: that with regard to the truce; such were the fleet
kept back his supplies and transports, and his forces deprived them of water
and access to the shore. If they expected any abatement on his side, they
must likewise abate in guarding the coast; but if they still persisted in
their former vigilance, neither would he yield in what depended on him:
that, notwithstanding, the accommodation might go forward without any
obstruction from this mutual denial."
Bibulus having kept at sea for many days, and contracted a dangerous illness by the cold and perpetual fatigue, as he could neither have proper assistance on board, nor would be prevailed upon to quit his post, he at last sunk under the weight of his distemper. After his death, nobody succeeded in the command of the whole fleet; but each squadron was governed, independently of the rest, by its particular commander.
When the surprise occasioned by Caesar's sudden arrival was over, Vibullius,
in presence of
As the two camps were only separated by the river Apsus, the soldiers had frequent discourse among themselves; and it was settled by mutual consent, that no act of hostility should pass during the conferences. Caesar taking advantage of this opportunity, sent P. Vatinius, one of his lieutenants, to forward to the utmost an accommodation; and to demand frequently with a loud voice, "Whether it might not be permitted to citizens, to send deputies to their fellow citizens about peace: that this had never been denied even to fugitives and robbers, and could much less be opposed, when the only design was to prevent the effusion of civil blood." This and much more he said, with a submissive air, as became one employed to treat for his own and the common safety. He was heard with great silence by both parties, and received this answer from the enemy: "That A. Varro had declared he would next day appear at an interview, whither the deputies of both parties might come in perfect security, and mutually make known their demands." The hour of meeting was likewise settled; which being come, multitudes on both sides flocked to the place; the greatest expectations were formed; and the minds of all seemed intent upon peace. T. Labienus, advancing from the crowd, began in a low voice to confer with Vatinius, as if to settle the articles of the treaty. But their discourse was soon interrupted by a multitude of darts that came pouring in on all sides. Vatinius escaped the danger, by means of the soldiers, who protected him with their shields; but Cornelius Balbus, M. Plotius, L. Tiburtus, centurions, and some private men, were wounded. Labienus then lifted up his voice, and cried: "Leave off prating of an accommodation; for you must not expect peace, till you bring us Caesar's head."
About the same time, M. Caelius Rufus, pretor at
But the consul Servilius, and the rest of the magistrates opposing the law,
when he found it had not the effect he expected, he thought proper to drop
that design; and in the view of inflaming the people, proposed two new laws;
the one, to exempt all the tenants in
In the meantime
Libo leaving Oricum, with the fleet under his command, consisting of fifty
sail, came to
Antony was then at
Several months had now passed; the winter was almost over; meantime, neither
the ships nor legions were yet arrived, which Caesar expected from
The lieutenants, roused and emboldened by these letters, and encouraged by
the exhortations of the troops themselves, who professed they were ready to
face any danger for Caesar's sake, embarked under the direction of M. Antony
and Fufius Kalenus, and setting sail with the wind at south, passed
By this unexpected change, the storm, which protected our fleet, beat so furiously on the Rhodian galleys, that they were all, to the number of sixteen, broken to pieces against the shore. Most of the soldiers and mariners perished among the rocks: the rest were taken up by our men, and sent by Caesar's orders to their several homes.
Two of our transports, unable to keep up with the rest, were overtaken by the
night: and not knowing where the fleet had put in, cast anchor over against
Upon this the Roman citizens inhabiting
This intelligence reached Caesar and Pompey much about the same time; for
both had seen the fleet pass
About the same time Scipio, notwithstanding some checks he had received near
Mount Amanus, assumed the title of emperor; after which he exacted great
sums of money from the neighbouring states and princes; obliged the farmers
of the revenue to pay the two years' taxes, which lay in their hands, and
advance a third by way of loan, and sent orders to the whole province; for
levying cavalry. Having got a sufficient number together, he quitted the
Parthians, his nearest enemies who not long before had slain M. Crassus, and
held Bibulus invested; and marched out of
Meanwhile the money demanded of the province was levied with great rigour, and various pretences were devised, to serve as a ground to new exactions. Slaves and freemen were subject to a capitation tax. Imposts were laid upon pillars and doors of houses. Corn, soldiers, mariners, arms, engines, carriages, in a word, every thing that had a name, furnished a sufficient handle for extorting money. Governors were appointed not only over towns, but over villages and castles; and he that acted with the greatest rigour and cruelty, was accounted the worthiest man and best citizen. The province swarmed with lictors, overseers, and collectors, who, besides the sums imposed by public authority exacted money likewise on their own account, colouring their iniquitous demands with a pretence that they had been expelled their country and native homes, and were in extreme want of every thing. Add to all these calamities, immoderate usury, an evil almost inseparable from war; for so great sums are then exacted, beyond what a country is able to furnish, they are obliged to apply for a delay, which at any price is still accounted a favour. Thus the debts of the province increased considerably during these two years. Nor were the Roman citizens the only sufferers on this occasion; for certain sums were demanded of every state and corporation, as a loan upon the senate's decree; and the farmers of the revenue were ordered to advance the next year's tribute, in like manner as when they first entered upon office.
Besides all this, Scipio gave orders for seizing the treasures of the temple
of Diana at
Caesar having joined Antony's army, and recalled the legion he had left at
Oricum to guard the sea-coast, judged it necessary to advance farther into
the country, and possess himself of the more distant provinces. At the same
time,deputies arrived from
Calvisius was well received by the Aetolians, and having driven the enemy's
garrisons from Calydon and Naupactum, possessed himself of the whole
country. Cassius arriving in
About the same time Domitius arrived in
Scipio continued two days in his camp upon the Haliacmon, which ran between him and the army of Domitius, put his troops in motion on the third, and by day-break forded the river. Early next morning he drew up his troops in order of battle at the head of his camp. Domitius was not averse to an engagement; but as between the two camps there was a plain of six miles, he thought that the fittest place for a field of battle, and drew up his men at some distance from Scipost; yet hardly could Domitius restrain his men from advancing to attack him though a rivulet with steep banks, that ran in the front of the enemy's camp, and opposed their passage. Scipio observing the keenness and alacrity of our troops, and fearing that next day he should either be forced to fight against his will, or ignominiously keep within his camp; after great expectations raised, by too hastily crossting the river, he saw all his projects defeated; and decamping in great silence during the night, returned to his former station, beyond the Haliacmon, and posted himself on a rising ground, near the river. A few days after, he formed an ambuscade, of cavalry, by night, in a place where our men were wont to forage: and when Q. Varus, who commanded the horse under Domitius, came next day, according to custom; suddenly the enemy rose from their lurking holes: but our men bravely sustained the attack, soon recovered their ranks, and in their turn vigorously charged the enemy. About fourscore fell on this occasion; the rest betook themselves to flight; and our men returned to their camp, with the loss of only two of their number.
After this rencounter, Domitius, hoping to draw Scipio to a battle, feigned to decamp for want of provisions; and having made the usual signal for retreating, after a march of three miles, drew up his cavalry and legions in a convenient plain, shrouded from the enemy's view. Scipio, preparing to follow, sent the horse and light-armed infantry before to explore his route, and examine the situation of the country. When they were advanced a little way, and their first squadrons had come within reach of our ambush; beginning to suspect something from the neighing of the horses, they wheeled about, in order to retreat; which the troops that followed observing, suddenly halted. Our men, finding that the ambush was discovered, and knowing it would be in vain to wait for the rest of the army, fell upon the two squadrons that were most advanced. M. Opinius, general of the horse to Domitius, was amongst these, but somehow found means to escape. All the rest were either slain, or made prisoners.
Caesar having drawn off his garrisons from the sea-coast, as we have related above, left three cohorts at Oricum to defend the town, and committed to their charge the one of his lieutenants, had the command of these troops; who, for the greater security, caused the ships to be drawn up into the harbour behind the town, and made them fast to the shore. He likewise sunk a transport in the mouth of the haven, behind which another rode at anchor, on whose deck a tower was erected, facing the entrance of the port, and filled with troops, to be ready in case of surprise.
Young Pompey, who commanded the Egyptian fleet, having notice of this, came
to Oricum; weighed up the vessel that had been sunk in the mouth of the
harbour; and, after an obstinate resistance, took the other, which had been
placed there by Acilius, to guard the haven. He then brought forward his
fleet, on which he had raised towers, to fight with the greater advantage;
and having surrounded the town on all sides, attacked it by land with
scaling ladders, and by sea from the towers, sending fresh men continually
in the place of those that were fatigued, and thereby obliging us to yield,
through weariness and wounds. At the same time he seized an eminence, on the
other side of the town, which seemed a kind of natural mole, and almost
formed a peninsula over against Oricum; and by means of this neck of land,
carried four small galleys, upon rollers, into the inner part of the haven.
Thus the galleys, that were made fast to the land, and destitute of troops,
being attacked on all sides, four were carried off, and the rest burned.
This affair despatched, he left D. Laelius, whom he had taken from the
command of the Asiatic fleet, to prevent the importation of provisions from
Caesar being informed that Pompey was at Asparagium, marched thither with his
army; and having taken the capital of the Parthinians by the way, where
Pompey had a garrison; arrived the third day in
Pompey, thus excluded from
For these reasons, Caesar formed a project, which the very nature of the country suggested. All round Pompey's camp, at a small distance, were high and steep hills. Caesar took possession of those hills, and built forts upon them; resolving, as the nature of the ground would allow, to draw lines of communication from one fort to another, and inclose Pompey within his works. His views herein were; first, to facilitate the passage of his convoys, which the enemy's cavalry, which was very strong and fine, would no longer cut off; next. to distress this very cavalry, for want of forage; and lastly, to lessen the great reputation and high idea entertained of Pompey, when it should be reported all over the world, that he had suffered himself to be blockaded, and, as it were, imprisoned by Caesar's works; and durst not hazard a battle to set himself at liberty.
Pompey would neither leave the sea and
Both parties disputed every post with great obstinacy: Caesar, that he might inclose Pompey within as narrow a space as possible; and Pompey, that he might have liberty to extend himself; which occasioned many sharp skirmishes. In one of these, Caesar's ninth legion having possessed themselves of an eminence, which they began to fortify, Pompey seized the opposite mount, with a resolution to hinder their works. As the access on one side was very easy, he sent first some archers and slingers, and afterwards a strong detachment of light-armed foot, plying us, at the same time, with his military engines; which obliged our men to desist; as they found it impossible at once to sustain the enemy's charge, and go forward with their works. Caesar, perceiving that his men were wounded from all sides, resolved to quit the place and retire. But as the descent, by which he must retreat, was pretty steep, the Pompeians charged him briskly in drawing off, imagining he gave way through fear. Pompey went so far as to say, That he consented to be accounted a general of no merit, if Caesar's men got off without considerable loss.
Caesar, concerned about the retreat of his men, ordered hurdles to be fixed on the ridge of the hill fronting the enemy: behind which he dug a moderate ditch, and rendered the place as inaccessible as he could, on all sides. When this was done, he began to file off the legionary soldiers, supporting them by some light-armed troops, posted on their flanks, who, with arrows and stones, might repulse the enemy. Pompey's troops failed not to pursue them, with great outcries and fierce menaces, overturned the hurdles, and used them as bridges to get over the ditch. Which Casar observing, and fearing some disaster might ensue, should he seem to be driven from a post, which he quitted voluntarily; when his forces were got half down the hill, encouraging them by Antony, who had the command of that legion, he gave the signal to face about, and fall on the enemy. Immediately the soldiers of the ninth legion, forming themselves into close order, launched their darts; and advancing briskly up the hill against the enemy, forced them to give ground, and at last betake themselves to flight; which was not a little incommoded by the hurdles, palisades, and ditch, Caesar had thrown up to stop to secure their retreat, having killed several of the enemy, and lost only five of their own number, retired without the least disturbance, and inclosing some other hills within their lines, completed the circumvallation.
This method of making war was new and extraordinary; as well in regard to the
number of forts, the extent of the circumvallation, the greatness of his
works, and the manner of attack and defence, as on other accounts. For
whoever undertakes to invest another, is, for the most part, moved thereto,
either by some previousdefeat he has sustained, the knowledge of his
weakness, to take advantage of his distress, to profit by a superiority of
forces; or, in fine, to cut off his provisions, which is the most ordinary
cause of. these attempts. But Caesar, with an inferior force, besieged
Pompey, whose troops were entire, in good order, and abounded in all things.
For ships arrived every day, from all parts, with provisions; nor could the
wind blow from any quarter, that was not favourable to some of them; whereas
Caesar's army, having consumed all the corn round about, was reduced to the
last necessities. Nevertheless the soldiers bore all with singular patience
; remembering, that though reduced to the like extremity the year before, in
They discovered in the country a root, called chara, which they pounded and kneaded with milk, so as to make a sort of bread of it. This furnished a plentiful supply; and when their adversaries reproached them with their want, by way of answer to their insults, they threw their loaves at them.
By this time, the corn began to ripen, and the hopes of a speedy supply supported the soldiers under their present wants. Nay, they were often heard to say one to another, that they would sooner live on the bark of trees, than let Pompey escape. For they were informed from time to time, by deserters, that their horses were almost starved, and the rest of their cattle actually dead; that the troops themselves were very sickly; partly occasioned by the narrow space in which they were inclosed, the number and noisesome smell of dead carcases, and the daily fatigue to which they were unaccustomed, partly by their extreme want of water. For Caesar had either turned the course of all the rivers and brooks that ran into the sea, or dammed up their currents. And as the country was mountainous, intermixed with deep valleys, by driving piles into the earth, and covering them with mould, he stopped up the course of the waters. This obliged the enemy to search for low and marshy places, and to dig wells, which added to their daily labour. The wells too, when discovered, lay at a considerable distance from some parts of the army, and were soon dried up by the heat. Caesar's army, on the contrary, was very healthy, abounded in water, and had plenty of all kinds of provisions, corn excepted, which they hoped to be soon supplied with, as the season was now pretty far advanced, and harvest approached.
In this method of making war, new stratagems were every day put in practice by both generals. Pompey's soldiers, observing by the fires the place where our cohorts were upon guard, stole thither privately by night, and pouring upon them a flight of arrows, retired instantly to their camp, which obliged our men to have fires in one place, and keep guard in another.
Meanwhile P. Sylla, whom Caesar at his departure had left to command the camp, being informed of what passed, came to the assistance of the cohort, with two legions. His arrival soon put the Pompeians to flight, who could not stand the very sight and shock of his troops; but seeing their first ranks broken, took to their heels, and quitted the place. Sylla checked the ardour of his men, whom he would not suffer to continue the pursuit too far; and it was the general belief, that had he pursued the enemy warmly, that day might have put an end to the war. His conduct, however, cannot be justly censured; for the difference is great between a lieutenant and a general; the one is tied up to act according to instructions; the other, free from restraint, is at liberty to lay hold of all advantages. Sylla, who was left by Caesar to take care of the camp, was satisfied with having disengaged his own men, and had no intention to hazard a general action, which might have been attended with ill consequences, and would have looked like arrogating the part of a general. The Pompeians found it no easy matter to make good their retreat; for having advanced from a very disadvantageous pest to the summit of the hill, they had reason to fear our men would charge them in descending, and the rather, as it was very near sunset, for they had protracted the affair almost till night, in hopes of accomplishing their design. Thus Pompey, compelled by necessity, immediately took possession of an eminence, at such a distance from our fort, as to be secure from darts and military engines. Here he encamped, threw up an intrenchment, and drew his forces together to defend the place.
At the same time we were engaged in two other places; for Pompey attacked several castles together to divide our forces, and hinder the forts from mutually sucouring one another. In one of these, Volcatius Tullus, with three cohorts, sustained the charge of a whole legion, and forced them to retire. In the other, the Germans, sallying out of their intrenchments, slew several of the enemy, and returned again without loss.
Thus there happened no less than six actions in one day; three near
Pompey laboured all night at his fortifications, raised redoubts the following lays, and having carried his works fifteen feet high, covered that part of his camp with mantelets. Five days after, taking advantage of very dark night, he walled up the gates of his camp, rendered all the avenues impracticable; and drawing out his troops in great silence about midnight, returned to his former works.
Caesar meanwhile drew up his army every day, offering Pompey battle upon equal ground; and, to provoke him to accept it, advanced so near his camp, that his van was within engine-shot of the rampart. Pompey, to preserve his reputation, drew out his legions too, but posted them in such a manner, that his third line touched the rampart, and the whole army lay under cover of the weapons discharged from thence.
Whilst these things passed in
Caesar, the more effectually to shut up Pompey's horse at
Among the cavalry in Caesar's camp were two brothers, Allobrogians by birth,
named Roscillus and Aegus, the sons of Adbucillus, who had long held the
chief sway in his own state; men of singular bravery, and who had been of
signal service to Caesar in all his Gallic wars. For these reasons he had
raised them to the highest offices in their own country, got them chosen
into the senate before they were of age, given them lands in
Caesar not thinking it a proper time for animadversion, and regarding them greatly on account of their valour, declined all public notice of the affair, and contented himself with reprimanding them in private, admonishing them to expect every thing from his friendship, and to measure their future hopes by the experience of what he had already done for them. This rebuke, however, disgusted them greatly, and very much lessened their credit with the whole army, which they easily perceived, as well from the raillery they were often forced to bear, as in consequence of the secret reproaches and sense of their own minds. Thus prompted by shame, and perhaps imagining they were not cleared, but reserved to a more favourable opportunity, they resolved to desert, to try their fortunes elsewhere, and search for new friendships. Having imparted their design to a few of their clients, whom they judged fit instruments for so black a treason, they first attempted to murder C. Volusenus, general of the cavalry (as was afterwards known, when the war was over), that by so signal a piece of service they might the more effectually recommend themselves to Pompey's favour. But finding that design attended with great hazard, and that no favourable opportunity offered for putting it in execution, they borrowed all the money they could, under pretence of reimbursing the troops, and making restitution; and having bought up a great number of horses, went over to Pompey, with those whom they had made acquainted with their design.
As they were persons of noble birth, liberally educated, came with a great
train of horses and servants, had been highly honoured by Caesar, and were
universally esteemed on account of their valour, Pompey carried them
ostentatiously over all the camp, triumphing in this new and unusual
acquisition; for till then, neither horse nor foot-soldier had deserted from
Caesar to Pompey; whereas scarce a day passed without some desertion from
Pompey's army, especially among the new levies in
Upon this intelligence, having already formed the design of forcing Caesar's
lines, he ordered the soldiers to make coverings of osier for their helmets,
and provide themselves with fascines. This done, he embarked by night, in
boats and small barks, a great number of light-armed troops and archers,
with the fascines for filling up Caesar's trenches; and having drawn
together sixty cohorts from the greater camp and forts, led them about
midnight towards that part of the enemy's lines nearest the sea, a good
distance from the main camp. Thither likewise he despatched the barks, on
board of which were the light-armed troops and fascines, together wih all
the galleys that lay at
This place was guarded by a ditch, fifteen feet broad, with a rampart towards the enemy, ten feet high, and of equal thickness. Behind this, at the distance of six hundred feet, was another rampart, somewhat lower than the former, and fronting the contrary way. Caesar, apprehending an attack from the sea, had raised this double rampart, some days before, that he might be able to defend himself against the enemy, should they charge him on both sides at once. But the extent of the circumvallation, and the continued labour of so many days, in inclosing a space of eighteen miles, had not allowed us time to finish the work. Accordingly, the line of communication, which ran along the sea-side, and was to have joined these two ramparts, was not yet completed. This Pompey was informed of by the Allobrogian brothers, which proved of fatal consequence to us. For upon guard, near the sea, suddenly the Pompeians arrived about day-break, and surprised them with their unexpected appearance. At the same time the troops that came by sea, launched their darts against the outward rampart and began to fill up the ditch with fascines; while the legionary soldiers, planting their scaling-ladders against the inner works, and plying those that defended them with darts and engines, spread a general terror over that part of the camp, which was still increased by the multitude of archers that came pouring upon them from all sides. The osiers they had bound round their helmets, contributed greatly to defend them from the stones thrown down from the rampart, which were the only weapons we had. At last, all things going against us, and our resistance becoming every moment more languid, the enemy discovered the defect before spoken of in our lines; and landing their men between the two ramparts, where the line of communication towards the sea remained unfinished, they attacked our soldiers in the rear, and obliged them to abandon both sides of the works.
Marcellinus hearing of this disorder, detached some cohorts to sustain the flying troops: but as the rout was become general, they could neither persuade them to rally, nor were able themselves to withstand the enemy's charge. The like happened to a second detachment; insomuch that the several supplies sent, by catching the general terror, served only to add to the confusion and danger; for the multitude of runaways rendered the retreat the more difficult. In this action, the eaglebearer of the ninth legion finding himself dangerously wounded, and that his strength began to fail, called to some troopers who passed by, and said: "I have preserved to the last moment of my life, with the greatest care, this eagle, with which I have been intrusted; and, now I am dying, I return it to Caesar, with the same fidelity. Carry it to him, I beseech you; nor suffer Caesar's arms to experience, in losing it, an ignominy, with which they have been hitherto unacquainted." Thus the eagle was preserved ; but all the centurions of the first cohort were slain, except the first of the Principes.
And now the Pompeians, having made great slaughter of our men, approached the quarters of Marcellinus, to the no small terror of the rest of the cohorts; when Mark Antony, who commanded in the nearer redoubts, upon notice of what passed, was seen descending from the higher ground, at the head of twelve cohorts. His arrival put a stop to the enemy's progress, and by enabling our men to recover from their extreme terror, restored them to their wonted courage. Soon after Caesar arrived in person, with some troops, being apprised of the attack by the smoke of the forts, the usual signal on these occasions; and perceiving the loss he had sustained, and that Pompey had forced the lines, being able to forage, and having an easy communication with the sea; he quitted his former project, which had proved unsuccessful, and encamped as near Pompey as he could.
When the intrenchments were finished, Caesar had notice from his scouts, that a certain number of the enemy's cohorts, which to them appeared a complete legion, were retired behind a wood, and seemed to be on their march to the old camp. The situation of the two armies was this: some days before, when Caesar's ninth legion was sent to oppose a body of Pompey's troops, they thought proper to intrench themselves upon an opposite hill, and form a camp there. This camp bordered upon a wood, and was not above four hundred paces from the sea. But afterwards, for certain reasons, Caesar removed a little beyond that post; and Pompey, a few days after, took possession of it. But as his design was to place several legions there; leaving the inner rampart standing, he surrounded it with greater works. Thus the smaller camp, inclosed within one of larger circumference, served by way of a castle or citadel. He likewise carried an intrenchment from the left angle of the camp to the river, through a space of about four hundred paces, which enabled him to water freely and without danger. But he too, soon after, changed his mind, for reasons which it is not needful to repeat here; and abandoned the place, which thereby was left several days without troops, though the fortifications remained entire.
Hither the scouts reported they saw the standard of a legion carried; which was likewise confirmed by those who were stationed in the higher forts. The place was about five hundred paces distant from Pompey's new camp. Caesar, desirous to repair the loss he had sustained, and hoping he might be able to surprise this legion, left two cohorts in his intrenchments, to prevent any suspicion of his design; and with thirty-three more, amongst which number was the ninth legion, which had lost many centurions and soldiers, marched by a different rout, as privately as he could, against the legion which Pompey had lodged in the lesser camp. Neither was he deceived in his first conjecture: for he arrived before Pompey could have notice of his design; and though the intrenchments were strong, yet charging the enemy briskly with his left wing, where he himself commanded in person, he quickly drove them from the rampart. But as the gates were secured by a barricade, they still maintained the fight here for some time, our men endeavouring to break in, and the enemy to defend the camp. T. Pulcia, who betrayed the army of C. Antony, as we have related above, gave signal proofs of his valour on this occasion. But our men, at last, prevailed; and having cut down the barricade, broke first into the greater camp, and afterwards into the fort within it, whither the legion had retired, some of whom were slain, endeavouring to defend themselves.
But fortune, whose influence is very great, as in other things, so particularly in war; often effects mighty changes from the most trifling causes: as happened upon this occasion. For the cohorts of Caesar's right wing being unacquainted with the situation of the camp, and mistaking the rampart which led to the river for one of its sides, marched on that way in quest of a gate; but perceiving at length their error, and that nobody defend. ed the intrenchment, they immediately mounted the rampart, and were followed by the whole cavalry.
This delay saved the enemy: for Pompey, having notice of what passed, brought up the fifth legion to sustain his party; so that at one and the same instant, his cavalry approached ours, and his troops were seen advancing in order of battle, by those who had taken possession of the camp: which quickly changed the face of affairs. For Pompey's legion, encouraged by the hope of speedy succours, sallied by the Decuman port, and briskly charged our cohorts. On the other hand, Caesar's cavalry, who had entered, by a narrow breach in the rampart, foreseeing that a retreat would be extremely difficult, began betimes to think of flying. The right wing which had no communication with the left, oberving the consternation of the cavalry, and fearing they should be overpowered within the camp, retired the same way they had entered. Many,to avoid being engaged in the narrow passes, threw themselves from the rampart, which was ten feet high, into the ditch; where the first ranks being trodden to death, their bodies afforded a safe passage to those that followed. The left wing, who from the rampart whence they had driven the enemy, saw Pompey advancing against them, and their own men flyng; fearing to be entangled in the defiles, as they had the enemy upon them, both within and without the camp, retreated the same way they came. Nothing was to be seen but consternation, flying, and disorder: insomuch that all Caesar's efforts to rally his troops were fruitless. If he seized any by the arm, they struggled till they got away. If he laid hold of the colours, they left them in his hands. Not a man could be prevailed on to face about.
In this calamity, what saved the army from entire destruction was, that Pompey, apprehending an ambuscade (probably because the success was beyond his hopes, as a little before he had seen his men worsted and put to flight), durst not, for some time, approach the intrenchments; and his cavalry were retarded in the pursuit by Caesar's troops, who were possessed of all the gates and defiles. Be that as it will, a small matter proved of very great consequence to both parties: for the intrenchment between the camp and the river, stopped the course of Caesar's victory, when he had already forced Pompey's lines: and the same, by retarding the pursuit of his enemy, saved the army from destruction.
In these two actions, Caesar lost nine hundred and sixty private men, thirty
officers, and several knights of note, as Flavius Tuticanus Gallus, a
senator's son; C. Felginus, of
This success gave such confidence and spirit to the Pompeian party, that they now no longer took any concern about the conduct of the war, but began to consider themselves as already victorious. They never reflected on the inconsiderable number of our troops, the disadvantage of the ground, the narrow passes we were engaged in, by their having first possession of the camp, the double danger, both within and without the fortification, and the separation of the two wings of the army, which hindered them from mutually succouring one another. They forgot that the advantage they had gained, was not the effect of a brisk and vigorous attack; and that our men had suffered more by crowding upon one another in the narrow passes, than by the sword of the enemy. In fine, they never called to mind the uncertain chance of war, and upon what minute causes good or bad success often depends; how a groundless suspicion, a panic terror, or a religious scruple, has frequently been productive ofthe most fatal events; when either by the misconduct of a general, or the terror of a tribune, some false persuasion has been suffered to take root in an army. But as if the victory had been purely the effect of their valour, and no change of fortune was to be apprehended, they every where proclaimed and made public the success of this day.
Caesar, seeing all his former projects disconcerted, resolved to submit to
fortune, and entirely change the manner of the war. He therefore called in
all his forces from the forts, gave up the design of inclosing Pompey, and
having assembled his army, addressed them as follows: "That they ought not
to be discouraged, or give way to consternation, upon what had lately
happened, but oppose their many successful engagements to one slight and
inconsiderable check. That fortune had already befriended them greatly, in
the reduction of
Having made this speech, he contented himself with stigmatizing, and reducing to private men, some of the standard bearers; for the whole army were so grieved at their loss, and so desirous of expunging the stain their glory had received, that there was no occasion either for the tribunes or the centurions to remind them of their duty; nay, they even undertook to punish themselves by the severest impositions, and demanded with great outcries to be led against the enemy; being seconded by some centurions of the first rank, I who, touched with their remonstrances, were for continuing in the post they then possessed, and putting all to the hazard of a battle. But Caesar did not think it prudent to expose to an action troops that had been just worsted, and in whom might remain too deep impressions of their late fright. He was for allowing them time to recover themselves; and having quitted his works, thought it needful to provide for the security of his convoys.
Accordingly, after proper care taken of the sick and wounded, and as soon as
night approached, he sent all the baggage privately towards
Having completed the intended march of that day, and brought his army over the Genusus, he took up his quarters in his old camp at Asparagium, suffering none of the soldiers to stroll without the rampart, and charging the cavalry, who had been sent out under pretence of foraging, to return immediately to the Decuman port. Pompey likewise having completed that day's march, encamped at his old post at Asparagium, where the troops having nothing to do, because the works were still entire; some made long excursions in quest of wood and forage; others who had come almost without any baggage, by reason the march was undertaken on a sudden, enticed by the nearness of their former camp, laid down their arms in their tents, quitted the intrenchments, and went to fetch what they had left behind them. This rendering them unable to pursue, as Caesar had foreseen; about noon, he gave the signal for decamping, led forth his troops, and doubling that day's march, gained eight miles upon Pompey, who could not follow him by reason his troops were dispersed.
Next day Caesar decamped again at three in the morning, having sent away his baggage over night, that if he should find himself under a necessity of fighting, he might have his army clear of all encumbrance. The same he did the following days; by which means, though he had very difficult ways to pass, and some great rivers to cross, he suffered no loss during the whole march. For Pompey, after the first day's hinderance, endeavouring in vain by long and forced marches to overtake Caesar, gave over the pursuit on the fourth, and began to think of taking other measures.
Caesar was under a necessity of going to
For these reasons both generals studied despatch, as well to afford timely
succour to their friends, as not to miss an opportunity of distressing their
enemies. But Caesar had turned off to
After the junction of the two armies, Caesar arrived at Gomphi, the first
town of
The Metropolitans at first following the example of Gomphi, to which they
were moved by the same reports, shut their gates and manned the walls. But
no sooner came they to understand the fate of their neighbour city, by some
prisoners whom Caesar had produced for that end, than immediately they
admitted him into the town. He suffered no hostilities to be committed, nor
any harm to be done them; and so powerful was the example from the different
treatment of these two cities, that not a single state in
A few days after, Pompey arrived in
Already Domitius, Scipio, and Lentulus Spinther, were openly quarrelling
about the high priesthood, which Caesar was in possession of. They even
descended to personal abuse, and pleaded their several pretensions; Lentulus
urging the respect due to his age; Domitius, his dignity, and the interest
he had in the city; and Scipio his alliance with Pompey. Attius Rufus
impeached L. Afranius before Pompey, charging him with having occasioned the
loss of the army in
Caesar having provided for the subsistence of his troops, who were now no
longer fatigued, and had sufficiently recovered from the consternation the
different actions at
Pompey, whose camp was on an eminence, drew up his army at the foot of the mountain, expecting, as may be presumed, that Casar would attack him in that advantageous situation. But Caesar despairing to draw Pompey to battle on equal terms, thought it would be his best course to decamp, and be always on the march; in hopes, that by frequent shifting his ground, he might the better be supplied with provisions; and that as the enemy would not fail following him, in the frequent marches he should make, he might perhaps find an opportunity of attacking them, and forcing them to fight: at least he was sure of harassing Pompey's army, little accustomed to these continued fatigues. Accordingly the order for marching was given, and the tents struck; when Caesar perceived that Pompey's army, which had quitted their intrenchments, had advanced farther towards the plain than usual, so that he might engage them at a less disadvantage: whereupon, addressing himself to his soldiers, who were just ready to march out of their trenches: "Let us no longer think," says he, "of marching; now is the time for fighting, so long wished for; let us therefore arm ourselves with courage, and not miss so favourable and opportunity." This said, he immediately drew out his forces.
Pompey likewise, as was afterwards known, had resolved to offer battle, in compliance with the repeated importunities of his friends. He even said in a council of war, held some days before, that Caesar's army would be defeated before his infantry came to engage. And when some expressed their surprise at this speech: "I know," says he, "that what I promise appears almost incredible; but hear the reasons on which I ground my confidence, that you may advance to battle with the greater assurance. I have persuaded the cavalry, and obtained their promise for the performance, that as soon as the armies are formed, they shall fall upon Caesar's right wing, which they will easily be able to outflank and surround. This must infallibly occasion the immediate rout of that wing, and consequently of the rest of Caesar's troops. without danger or loss on our side. Nor will the execution be attended with any difficulty, as we are so much superior to them in horse. Be ready therefore for battle; and since the so much desired opportunity of fighting is come, take care not to fall short of the good opinion the world entertains of your valour and experience."
Labienus spoke next, highly applauding this scheme of Pompey, and expressing
the greatest contempt of Caesar's army: "Think not," says he, addressing
himself to Pompey, "that these are the legions which conquered
When Caesar approached Pompey's camp, he found his army drawn up in this
manner: In the left wing were the two legions delivered by Caesar, at the
beginning of the quarrel, in consequence of a decree of the senate; one of
which was called the first, the other the third legion: and here Pompey
commanded in person. Scipio was in the centre, with the legions he had
brought out of
Caesar observing his ancient custom, placed the tenth legion in the right,
and the ninth in the left wing. As this last had been considerably weakened
by the general actions at
When he was exhorting them to battle, as military custom required, and reminding them of the many favours they had, on all occasions, received at his hands, he chiefly took care to observe, "That they had themselves been witnesses of his earnest endeavours after peace; that he had employed Vatinius to solicit a conference with Labienus, and sent A. Clodius to treat with Scipio; that he had pressed Libo, in the warmest manner, at Oricum, to grant him a safe conduct for his ambassadors; in a word, that he had left nothing unattempted to avoid wasting the blood of his soldiers, and to spare the commonwealth the loss of one of her armies." After this speech, observing his soldiers ardent for the fight, he ordered the trumpets to sound a charge.
Among the volunteers in Caesar's army was one Crastinus, a man of distinguished courage, who the year before, had been first centurion of the tenth legion. This brave officer, as soon as the signal was given, calling to those next him: "Follow me," said he, "you that were formerly under my command, and acquit yourselves of the duty you owe to your general. This one battle more will crown the work, by restoring him to his proper dignity, and us to the enjoyment of our freedom." At the same time, turning to Caesar: "General," says he, "this day you shall be satisfied with my behaviour, and whether I live or die, I will take care to deserve your commendations." So saying he marched up to the enemy, and began the attack at the head of a hundred and twenty volunteers.
Between the two armies, there was an interval sufficient for the onset: but Pompey had given his troops orders to keep their ground, that Caesar's army might have all that way to run. This he is said to have done by the advice of C. Triarius, that the enemy's ranks might be broken and themselves put out of breath, by having so far to run; of which disorder he hoped to make an advantage. He was besides of opinion, that our javelins would have less effect, by the troops continuing in their post, than if they sprung forward at the very time they were launched; and as the soldiers would have twice as far to run as usual, they must be weary and breathless by the time they came up with the first line. But herein Pompey seems to have acted without sufficient reason; because there is a certain alacrity and ardour of mind, naturally planted in every man, which is inflamed by the desire of fighting; and which an able general, far from endeavouring to repress, will, by all methods he can devise, foment and cherish. Nor was it a vain institution of our ancestors, that the trumpets should sound on every side, and the whole army raise a shout, in order to animate the courage of their own men, and strike terror into the enemy.
Caesar's soldiers entirely defeated Pompey's hopes, by their good discipline and experience. For, perceiving the enemy did not stir, they halted, of their own accord, in the midst of their career; and having taken a moment's breath, put themselves, a second time, in motion; marched up in good order, flung their javelins, and then betook themselves to their swords. Nor did Pompey's men act with less presence of mind: for they sustained our attack, kept their ranks, bore the discharge of our darts: and having launched their own, immediately had recourse to their swords. At this instant, Pompey's horse, accompanied by the archers and slingers, attacked Caesar's; and having compelled them to give ground, began to extend themselves to the left, in order to flank the infantry. Whereupon Caesar gave the appointed signal to the six cohorts, who fell on the enemy's horse with such fury, that they not only drove them from the field of battle, but even compelled them to seek refuge in the highest mountains. The archers and slingers, deprived of their protection, were soon after cut to pieces. Meanwhile the six cohorts, not content with this success, wheeled round upon the enemy's left wing, and began to charge it in the rear:
whereupon Caesar, perceiving the victory so far advanced, to complete it, brought up his third line, which till then had not engaged. Pompey's infantry being thus doubly attacked, in front by fresh troops, and in rear, by the victorious cohorts, could no longer resist, but fled to their camp. Nor was Caesar mistaken in his conjecture, when, in exhorting his men, he declared that victory would depend chiefly on the six cohorts, which formed the body of reserve, and were stationed to oppose the enemy's horse; for by them were their cavalry defeated, their archers and slingers cut to pieces, and their left wing surrounded and forced to fly.
Pompey seeing his cavalry routed, and that part of the army on which he chiefly depended put into disorder, despaired of being able to restore the battle, and quitted the field. Repairing immediately to his camp, he said aloud, to the centurions, who guarded the pretorian gate, so as all the soldiers might hear him: "Take care of the camp, and defend it vigorously in case of an attack. I go to visit the other gates, and give orders for their defence." This said, he retired to his tent, despairing of success, yet waiting the event.
Caesar, having forced the Pompeians to seek refuge in their camp, and not willing to allow them time to recover From their consternation, exhorted his troops to make the best of their present victory, and vigorously attack the enemy's intrenchments. Though the battle had lasted till noon, the weather being extremely hot; yet, prepared to encounter all difficulties, they cheerfully complied with his orders.
The camp was bravely defended, for some time, by the cohorts left to guard it; and particularly by a great number of Thracians, and other barbarians, who made a very stout resistance; for as to such troops as had there sought refuge from the field of battle, they were in too great a consternation to think of any thing more than a safe retreat. It was not, however, possible for the troops posted on the rampart, long to stand the multitude of darts continually poured upon them ; which, in the end, obliged them to retire covered with wounds, and under the conduct of their tribunes and centurions, seek shelter in the mountains adjoining to the camp.
On entering Pompey's camp, we found tables ready-covered, sideboards loaded with plate, and tents adorned with branches of myrtle; that of L. Lentulus, with some others, was shaded with ivy. Every thing gave proofs of the highest luxury, and an assured expectation of victory; whence it was easy to see, that they little dreamed of the issue of that day, since, intent only on voluptuous refinements, they pretended, with troops immersed in luxury, to oppose Caesar's army accustomed to fatigue, and inured to the want of necessaries.
Pompey finding our men had forced his intrenchments, mounted his horse,
quitted his armour for a habit more suitable to his ill fortune, and
withdrawing by the Decuman port, rode full speed to
Caesar having mastered the enemy's camp, requested his soldiers not to leave the victory imperfect, by busying themselves about the plunder. Finding them ready to obey, he began a line of circumvallation round the mountain. The Pompeians quickly abandoned a post, which, for want of water, was not tenable, and endeavoured to reach the city of Larissa: whereupon Caesar, dividing his army, left one part in Pompey's camp, sent back another to his own camp, and having, with four legions, taken a nearer road than that by which the enemy passed, he found means to intercept them, and, after six miles march, drew up in order of battle. But the Pompeians once more found protection from a mountain, at the foot of which ran a rivulet. Though Caesar's troops were greatly fatigued, by fighting the whole day, before night he had flung up some works, sufficient to prevent the enemy from having any communication with the rivulet. As by this step they were cut off from all hopes of relief, or of escaping, they sent deputies to treat about a surrender. Affairs continued in this situation all that night, of which some few senators, who had accompanied them, took the advantage to make their escape.
At break of day, they all, by Caesar's order, came down into the plain, and delivered up their arms; humbly imploring his goodness, and suing for mercy. Caesar spoke to them with great mildness, and to alleviate their apprehensions, cited various instances of his clemency, which he had, on so many occasions, made evident. In fact, he gave them their lives, and forbade his soldiers to offer them any violence, or to take any thing from them. He then sent for the legions, which had passed the night in camp, to relieve those that had accompanied, him in the pursuit; and being determined to follow Pompey, began his march, and arrived the same day at Larissa.
This battle cost Caesar no more than two hundred soldiers: but he lost thirty centurions, men of singular courage. Among these latter was Crastinus, whose gallantry and intrepidity, in marching up to battle, has been taken notice of. This brave officer, fighting, regardless of danger, received a wound in the mouth, from a sword. Nor was he deceived in promising himself Caesar's approbation, who was thoroughly sensible of his merit, and greatly applauded his behaviour in this action. On Pompey's side, there fell about fifteen thousand: but upwards of four and twenty thousand were taken prisoners: for the cohorts that guarded the forts, surrendered to Sylla; though many escaped into the adjacent countries. One hundred and eighty colours were taken, and nine eagles. L. Domitius, flying towards the mountains, and growing faint through the fatigue, was overtaken and killed by some horsemen.
About this time D. Laelius arrived with his fleet at
Much about the same time Cassius arrived in
Caesar laying all other thoughts aside, determined to pursue Pompey,
whithersoever he should retire, to prevent his drawing together fresh
forces, and renewing the war. He marched every day as far as the body of
cavalry he had with him could hold out, and was followed, by shorter
marches, by a single legion. Pompey had issued a proclamation at
Upon this intelligence Pompey laid aside his design of going into
The king's ministers, who had the care of the government during his
minority, being informed of this, either out of fear, as they afterwards
pretended, lest Pompey should debauch the army, and thereby render himself
master of
When Caesar arrived in
Caesar, after a short stay in
For these reasons he sent into
Pothinus the eunuch, governor to the young king, had the chief management of
affairs during his minority. This minister complained bitterly to his
friends, that the king should be summoned to plead his cause before Caesar:
afterwards finding among those that sided with the king, some who were
disposed to enter into his views, he privately sent for the army from
While this affair was debated before Caesar, who passionately desired to
terminate the matter amicably, and to the satisfaction of both parties, he
was informed that the king's army, with all the cavalry, were arrived at
Achillas's army was far from being contemptible, whether we regard their
number, courage, or experience in war. It amounted to twenty thousand
effective men, many of whom were originally Romans, brought into the country
by Gabinius, when he came to settle Auletes on the throne; and who, having
afterwards married and settled in
Achillas trusting to the valour of his troops, and despising the handful of
men that followed Caesar, quickly made himself master of
The Pharos is a tower of prodigious height and wonderful workmanship, built
in an island, from whence it takes its name. This island, lying over against