We had not even a rumor from Petersburg on yesterday, which is conclusive evidence that nothing of importance had occurred, or was going on there.

We mentioned on yesterday that a column, thrown out from Grant's army, and supplied and equipped for a protracted expedition, had struck the Weldon railroad at Jarratt's, thirty miles south of Petersburg, and when last heard from were marching in the direction of Weldon. There was a flying rumor that Hampton had encountered and had a fight with this column, but we could trace the story to no trustworthy source. The probability of this thing was, doubtless, the father of the report. We know nothing of the plans of our general in relation to this movement of the enemy, but confess we shall be disappointed if the Yankee column is permitted to move without interruption or obstruction to its destination. It set out with beef on the hoof and other supplies suited to the uses of a moveable army.

We look to see some of the beef, at least, turned over to the Confederate commissariat. Hampton's men have a deserved wide-spread reputation as beef hunters; an opportunity now offers for adding to their fame in this particular.

In sending out this column, Grant purposed more than one of those flying expeditions known as raids. He designed establishing a new base at a point which should deprive us permanently of the use of the Petersburg and Weldon railroad, and at the same time threaten Wilmington. Weldon was, doubtless, the point selected. If he succeeds in getting there, and fortifying himself, he will hope to supply his troops by the Roanoke river, or by rebuilding the Suffolk railroad. It remains to be seen how much of his excellent plan will be successfully accomplished.

It will be recollected that, on the occasion of the recent raid on Stony creek, the Yankees were attacked and driven eight miles by our cavalry. The only portion of our forces engaged was the Tenth Virginia cavalry, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel R. A. Caskie, of this city. Our loss on the occasion was only twelve men wounded. Much credit is due to the gallant Tenth. The enemy's force consisted of two full brigades.

The news from Georgia on yesterday was of a somewhat exciting character.--The enemy, who had been marching down the Ogechee river with three corps--one corps on the north and two on the south side — endeavored to unite their forces nearly opposite--, but met with considerable resistance from the Confederate forces; and, at last accounts, had not effected their object, which was also prevented, in part, by the unfavorableness of the river approaches.

On Wednesday, the demonstrations of the Federals on the ferries on the Savannah river became more determined, and they managed to get some of their infantry across the flats within sight of the river. Here we were well prepared, and our artillerists did good work. It was supposed that they would be compelled to abandon the attempt. From some cause, either lack of ammunition or inability to get their cannon in position, the Yankees made very little use of artillery, and this added confidence to our troops. It was reported that the enemy had effected a landing on the Coosawatchie below Pocataligo, but they had not been able to reach the railroad.

From the Augusta Constitutionalist of the 6th instant we have some particulars of late operations in Georgia.

At midnight on Saturday, General Wheeler fell furiously upon the enemy's rear. The Yankee horsemen who covered the rear were driven back upon their infantry support, and our troops, after considerable fighting, retired.

In our fight of Sunday with Kilpatrick's cavalry, assisted by the Fourteenth corps, we repulsed the enemy in every attempt to dislodge us by fire and counter charges, but finally, being flanked, were compelled to retire, which was done in most excellent order. Our loss was between seventy and eighty men. That of the Federals is reported officially as "very heavy. " One of the Yankee officers was captured in a hand-to-hand encounter, and Kilpatrick himself was wounded.

On our side, Colonel Gainse, acting brigadier, was severely wounded. The Augusta Constitutionalist says that on Monday last a fight took place at Walker's bridge, on Briar creek, twenty-two miles from Augusta, in which the Federals were worsted. A batch of one hundred and twenty-two Yankee prisoners had arrived in Augusta.

Friday, December 9, 1864.

Prayer by the Rev. Dr. Edwards, of the Methodist Church.

The bill to authorize the President to furnish with supplies, etc., loyal citizens held prisoners by the enemy, and appropriating $100,000 for that purpose, was rejected by a vote of ayes, 12; noes, 7. It required two-thirds for its passage.

The Senate reconsidered the vote by which was rejected the joint resolution relative to the exemption of State officers, and the resolution was passed. Ayes, 10; noes, 7.

Senate bill to provide for the employment of negroes in the army as laborers, was, on motion, by Mr. Hunter, made the special order for Monday next at half-past 12 o'clock P. M.

By Mr. Hunter: A bill to regulate the impressment of slaves in the State of Virginia. Referred to the Military Committee.

On motion, by Mr. Sparrow, it was ordered that when the Senate adjourn to-day, it be to Monday next.

The Senate resolved into secret session, and soon after adjourned.

The House met at the usual hour, and was opened with prayer by Rev. Dr. Moore.

Pending the consideration of the bill for the sequestration of the property of absentees abroad liable to military duty, the morning hour expired, and the House took up the bill, reported by Mr. Lyon, of Alabama, from the Committee on Ways and Means, "to provide more effectually for the reduction and redemption of the currency."

The House resolved itself into Committee of the Whole, and the bill was read by sections.

Pending the discussion of the bill, the committee rose and the House adjourned.

The message of Lincoln was read in Congress on Tuesday. It is rather dull and uninteresting. It opens with intelligence about the state of affairs in China, San Domingo and Chili, and some history of rebellions which have occurred in those countries, which are not very interesting to our people. The only reference to the Florida affair is the following:

The following shows the Yankee exhibit of their debt:

The public debt on the 1st day of July last, as appears by the books of the Treasury, amounted to one billion, seven hundred and forty thousand million, six hundred and ninety thousand, four hundred and eighty-nine dollars and forty-nine cents. --Probably, should the war continue for another year, that amount may be increased by not far from five hundred millions.

Lincoln put in a vast quantity of bogus votes at the late election, and now bases on them a statement that the population of the country is increasing:

The Federal navy consists of six hundred and seventy-one vessels, carrying four thousand six hundred guns; and by this navy--

There have been captured during the year three hundred and twenty-four vessels, and the whole number of naval captures since hostilities commenced is one thousand three hundred and seventy- nine, of which two hundred and sixty-seven are steamers. The gross proceeds arising from the sale of condemned prize property thus far reported amounts to $14,396,250.51. A large amount of such proceeds is still under adjudication and yet to be reported. The total expenditures of the Navy Department of every description, including the cost of the immense squadrons that have been called into existence, from the 4th of March, 1861, to the 1st of November, 1864, are $238,647,262.35.

The war continues. Since the last annual message, all the important lines and positions then occupied by our forces have been maintained, and our armies have steadily advanced, thus liberating the regions left in the rear; so that Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, and parts of other States, have again produced reasonably fair crops. The most remarkable feature in the military operations of the year is General Sherman's attempted march of three hundred miles directly through the insurgent region. It tends to show a great increase of our relative strength that our general-in-chief should feel able to confront and hold in check every active force of the enemy and yet to detach a well-appointed large army to move on such an expedition. The result not yet being known, conjecture in regard to it should not here be indulged.

Important movements have also occurred during the year to the effect of moulding society for durability in the Union. Although short of complete success, it is much in the right direction that twelve thousand citizens in each of the States of Arkansas and Louisiana have organized loyal State governments, with free constitutions, and are earnestly struggling to maintain and administer them. The movement in the same direction, more extensive, though less definite, in Missouri, Kentucky and Tennessee, should not be overlooked. But Maryland presents the example of complete success. Maryland is secure to liberty and Union for all the future. The genius of rebellion will no more claim Maryland. Like another foul spirit being driven out, it may seek to tear her, but it will woo her no more.

On careful consideration of all the evidence accessible, it seems to me that no attempt at negotiation with the insurgent leader could result in any good. He would accept of nothing short of the severance of the Union. His declarations to that effect are explicit and oft- repeated. He does not attempt to deceive us. He affords us no excuse to deceive ourselves. We cannot voluntarily yield it.--Between him and us the issue is distinct, simple and inflexible. It is an issue which can only be tried by war and decided by victory. If we yield, we are beaten. If the Southern people fail him, he is beaten. Either way it would be the victory and defeat following war. What is true, however, of him who heads the insurgent cause is not necessarily true of those who follow. Although he cannot re-accept the Union, they can. Some of them, we know, already desire peace and re-union. The number of such may increase. They can at any moment have peace simply by laying down their arms and submitting to the national authority under the Constitution. After so much, the Government could not, if it would, maintain war against them. The loyal people would not sustain or allow it. If questions should remain, we would adjust them by the peaceful means of legislation, conference, courts and votes. Operating only in constitutional and lawful channels, some certain and other possible questions are, and would be, beyond the executive power to adjust, as, for instance, the admission of members into Congress and whatever might require the appropriation of money. --The executive power itself would be greatly diminished by the cessation of actual war. Pardons and remissions of forfeiture would still be within executive control. In what spirit and temper this control would be exercised can be fairly judged by the past. A year ago, general pardon and amnesty, upon specified terms, were offered to all, except certain designated classes, and it was at the same time made known that the excepted classes were still within contemplation of special clemency. During the year many availed themselves of the general provision, and many more would, only that the signs of bad faith in some led to such precautionary measures as rendered the practical process less easy and certain. During the same time, also, special pardons have been granted to individuals of excepted classes, and no voluntary application has been denied. Thus, practically, the door has been for a full year open to all, except such as were not in condition to make free choice — that is, such as were in custody or under constraint. It is still so open to all; but the time may come, probably will come, when public duty shall demand that it be closed, and that in lieu more rigorous measures than heretofore shall be adopted.

In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to the National authority on the part of the insurgents as the only indispensable condition to ending the war on the part of the Government, I retract nothing heretofore said as to slavery. I repeat the declaration made a year ago, and that while I remain in my present position I shall not attempt to retract or modify the Emancipation Proclamation; nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of Congress. If the people should, by whatever mode or means, make it an Executive duty to re-enslave such persons, another, and not I, must be their instrument to perform it. In stating a single condition of peace, I mean simply to say that the war will cease on the part of the Government whenver it shall have ceased on the part of those who began it.

The Herald calls the message "a plain and unpretending document, " and says:

For example, Mr. Lincoln, setting out with the declaration that "the condition of our foreign affairs is reasonably satisfactory," follows directly after with the statement that "we have strictly maintained neutrality between the belligerents in Mexico," and there stops. He has nothing to suggest upon that subject. Has he forgotten that the Monroe doctrine was a plank of the Baltimore platform, and that it was expected he would face the music? He intimates that the affair of the rebel buccaneer Florida will require delicate handling; but he fails to tell us whether this case has been left in the hands of the Chevalier Webb or has been taken up by the Secretary of State; so that we cannot determine whether we are to have a speedy rupture or an exhausting diplomatic discussion with Brazil.

The Times seems to be a little alarmed at the entire absence of any manifestation of a willingness or desire to stop the war, and tries to smooth over Lincoln's views as follows:

A letter from New York says:

Lincoln's message was of such a cheerful and hopeful character that at the board in New York on Wednesday night gold ran up from 228 to 240.--There was great excitement among the brokers.

There is not a word of war news in the papers.--A move by Grant was predicted.

Salmon P. Chase has been appointed Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court, and confirmed by the Senate.

A riot by the Fanians and Orangemen was progressing at Toronto, Canada, on the 6th.

I regret your space would not allow you to publish the model message of Governor Smith. It is unquestionably one of the ablest and most patriotic State papers produced by the war, and will be pointed to a century hence for its broad statesmanship, its enlarged views and its genuine patriotism. How well it compares with the narrow views and transparent demagogueism of Governor Brown, of Georgia, and the subtle poison and evil counsels of Mr. Vice-President Stephens? He speaks like a man — like a patriot — who does not scan the acts of the Confederate authorities with a microscope only to find fault; but he exercises his ingenuity to discover wherein he can aid them in the struggle with our mortal foes. His views upon the duties of State officers and the conscription of the negro are equally judicious. The negro has his part to perform in this war; and the only question for us to consider is, shall he assist us to fight the enemy, or assist the enemy to fight us? It is the opinion of General Lee, and of the army, that he had better assist us; and such, too, is the judgment of many of the wisest and best men in the Confederacy. The question is not free from difficulty; but the difficulty is not so serious that it cannot be overcome by patriotism and statesmanship.

To this point I would invite the attention of Congress. Let members, if possible, forget self for a brief season and meet the great questions discussed in this message in the same exalted spirit in which they are considered by Governor Smith. Let the army be reinforced — by white men, if you please; and if not, then by black men. The few partisan editors and State officials who have raised such a clamor about the negro, and State rights, and habeas corpus, and liberty of the press, and who had rather say an evil thing of the Confederate Government than a good one, do not represent public opinion: they only utter their own narrow prejudices. Let Congress treat them with silent contempt and do its duty.