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quired to have three days rations in their haversacks. On Saturday orders were issued for the available force to march. As reported to you in my letter of the 19th ultimo, my personal reconnoissance of the roads to the south had shown that it was not practicable to carry out the original plan of turning the enemy's position on th I wished to go to Centreville the second day, which would have taken us there on the 17th, and enabled us, so far as they were concerned, to go into action on the 19th, instead of the 21st; but when I went forward from Fairfax Court House, beyond Germantown, to urge them forward, I was told it was impossible for the men to march e ourselves that this route was entirely practicable. In company with Capt. Woodbury (Engineers) and Gov. Sprague, and escorted by a company of cavalry, I, on the 19th, followed up the valley of Cub Run until we reached a point west ten degrees north, and about four miles in an air line from Centreville, near which we struck a ro
ess than 50,000 men, This is an error — the Federal force amounted to only 33,000, including reserves. Gen. McDowell's Report states 18,000 only were engaged. W. F. B. the latter not exceeding 30,000--and wrestled together for six long hours, with that desperate courage which Americans only can show. I proceed to give you, as near as I can, a full and detailed history of that terrible battle, which will, through all time, make famous Bull Run and the plains of Manassas. On Friday, the 19th, Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, who had commanded the army of the Shenandoah, posted at Winchester, arrived at Manassas Junction with four thousand of his division, to reinforce Gen. Beauregard. The remainder of his army (with the exception of a sufficient force to hold Winchester) were intended to arrive on Saturday, the 20th; but, in consequence of some railroad casualty, they did not reach the scene of conflict until Sunday, between the hours of 2 and 3 o'clock, when the battle was raging at it
ated on the next day, on board of the steamer Pioneer, as I accompanied you to Annapolis. You can use this statement as you think best. I could make it more full if you wish it. I could allude to the liability of every one in Baltimore, on the 19th, confused by the excitement, to be mistaken. Indeed I remember an instance of this. General Egerton was ordered by you to drive back the mob who were pressing upon the Pennsylvania troops. He drove back the troops. I heard you give the order toI at once started to Cockeysville in company with Mr. Bryson and our friend Edward Rider, Jr., and after getting such facts connected with the burning of the bridges as we could obtain, I hasten to answer your inquiries. On the night of the 19th ultimo I left Baltimore at precisely ten minutes past ten o'clock, and in about ten minutes more reached a point about one hundred yards nearer the city than the cemetery entrance, at which place I saw an omnibus with four horses, heads turned northw
the fight, and came here, where I will remain about a week, when I will go back and join our battalion. I was offered a discharge to go home, but I can't think of going home while there is a live Yankee to fight on our soil; besides I want to go back and get satisfaction for the shot I received. If the shot had struck me two inches higher, I would have been a gone chicken. Brother was within a mile of the fight, but was not in the engagement. We were expecting another attack on the 19th, but I have not heard whether there was one or not. My wound is getting on very well — pains me but little. I hope you are all well — wish I could see you. My love to all. Good-bye. Howard Tulle. Baltimore exchange narrative. The following account comes through our occasional correspondent at Washington, on whom we have great reliance: The following account of the battle at Bull Run is given by the Hons. Wm. A. Richardson, John A. McClernand, of Ill., and John W. Noel, of Mi
constitution; the same influences will affect them. It will be difficult to reverse their judgment in the Conventions of the several States. The effort will at least distract us, and so it is to be feared this fatal action may be consummated; but that it may not, is the most earnest wish I now can entertain. Respectfully, your obedient servant, L. W. Spratt. This letter was published in the Charleston Mercury on the 13th of February, and copied into the National Intelligencer on the 19th, with the following remarks: the philosophy of secession.--We surrender a considerable portion of our paper to the reproduction of a letter addressed by the Hon. L. W. Spratt, of South Carolina, to the Hon. Mr. Perkins, of Louisiana, in criticism on the Provisional Constitution recently adopted by the Southern Congress at Montgomery, Alabama. In giving so large a space to such a document we are governed by the same considerations which have hitherto induced us to publish so largely the
that the schooner Savannah, a private armed vessel in the service, and sailing under a commission issued by authority of the Confederate States of America, had been captured by one of the vessels forming the blockading squadron off Charleston harbor, I directed a proposition to be made to the officer commanding that squadron, for an exchange of the officers and crew of the Savannah for prisoners of war held by this Government according to number and rank. To this proposition, made on the 19th ult., Captain Mercer, the officer in command of the blockading squadron, made answer on the same day that the prisoners (referred to) are not on board of any of the vessels under my command. It now appears by statements made without contradiction in newspapers published in New York, that the prisoners above mentioned were conveyed to that city, and have there been treated, not as prisoners of war, but as criminals; that they have been put in irons, confined in jail, brought before the Courts
one ahead of their Constitution and the laws of nations, and they passed a law modifying the issuance of letters of marque and reprisal, that they should prey upon the property of the citizens of the United States, excepting certain States--excepting Kentucky and Tennessee--holding that out as a bait, as an inducement to get them in. I do not think; therefore, when we approach the subject fairly and squarely, that there was any very great wrong in the President of the United States, on the 19th, issuing his proclamation blockading their ports, saying you shall not have the opportunity, so far as I can prevent it, of plundering and appropriating other people's property on the high seas. I think he did precisely what was right. He would have been derelict to his duty, and to the high behest of the American people, if he had sat here and failed to exert every power within his reach and scope to protect the property of the United States on the high seas. Senators seem to think it i
ious companies were found to be in a state of organization quite favorable for our instruction; and as a general thing the cooks quite prepared to receive it. On each day, the Colonel or one of the staff officers accompanied us on our inspection; in five days such improvement was effected in the mode of preparing their food, that not only was the evidence furnished by the openly expressed satisfaction of the soldier, but in the great and marked diminution of sickness and disease. On the 19th inst., his Excellency Governor Morgan and the Surgeon-General, Dr. Vanderpoel, were regaled by a collation composed exclusively of soldiers' rations, cooked in camp kettles over camp fires, and were fully satisfied, both as to the feasibility of my plan and its practical results — an opinion fully endorsed by the principal officers of the regiment, as evinced by the letter addressed by them to your Resident Secretary. The following week, the cook who had previously accompanied me, and to whom