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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
avery, and treated the barbarities of the slave system, and the seizure of alleged slaves at the North, without the suggestion of any sympathy for the victim, and with a calmness and method which amaze the reader who now turns its pages. The Courier, anonymously edited since Buckingham's retirement two years before, opposed the Compromise up to the day of Webster's speech. It denied the existence of Southern grievances, and the expediency of yielding to Southern clamor; February 1, 8, 18, 23, 27; March 7. and its tone was manly and spirited. But immediately after the speech it took a reverse direction, and without any explanation came to Webster's support. From that time it was bitter, even malignant, in its treatment of all who dissented from Webster. Its leaders were mostly written by George S. Hillard and George Lunt. These two journals teemed with elaborate defences of the Compromise and the Fugitive Slave Act from Edward G. Loring, G. T. and B. R. Curtis. Two other le
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
being taken to fill them, though each received some votes, there was no quorum and no election. The President, being authorized to fill them, assigned a place to Hale, but not to the other two. At the special session, beginning March 4, 1853, Sumner was restored to the committee on roads and canals. Sumner, though then as always faithful in attendance, was inactive during the session,—a fact true of other senators who were not charged with important committee work. He spoke briefly, February 23, in favor of giving the President a discretion to appoint civilians as superintendents of armories. Works, vol. III. p. 208. In the special session he spoke briefly, April 6, against secrecy in the sessions and proceedings of the Senate, except for special reasons, and concluded his remarks Works, vol. III. p 212. as follows:— The limitation proposed seems adequate to all exigencies, while the general rule will be publicity. Executive sessions with closed doors, shrouded f
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
y among the people. Some there were who fell back from the enthusiasm and high resolves of this hour; but now Massachusetts from the ocean to her most western hill stood as one man for the sacred cause. In Boston there was a demonstration, February 23, perhaps the most notable in all her history. The mercantile Whigs, keeping aloof from the antislavery men, met in Faneuil Hall, which was filled in every part. The chairman was Samuel A. Eliot, already familiar to these pages. On the platfod and in his presence. It is a curious fact that the phrase which gave so much offence to the supporters of the bill was inserted at the instance of two divines distinguished for their Southern sympathies. Mrs. Stowe, in a letter to Sumner, February 23, stated the interest which her father, her husband, and her brothers, as well as herself, had taken in the petition, and urged a well—arranged plan at Washington to give impressiveness to its presentation. An organized protest of the clergy ag
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 39: the debate on Toucey's bill.—vindication of the antislavery enterprise.—first visit to the West.—defence of foreign-born citizens.—1854-1855. (search)
indictment, and arraign the intent and action, of course touching upon the courts. The opening counsel might argue the constitutionality of the Act, though I hesitate to give the judges another opportunity to drive a nail into our coffin. Whoever you have to speak, at any stage, should be able to do something historical, for the time will belong to History. God send you a good deliverance! Near the end of the session the truce on the slavery question was suddenly broken. At noon, February 23, Toucey of Connecticut, a Democratic Compromise senator, called up a bill reported by the judiciary committee less than a week before, which provided for the transfer to the federal courts of suits pending in State courts against federal officers and other persons for acts done under any law or color of any law of the United States. The bill, with no express mention of fugitiveslave cases, was well understood to be designed to protect persons assisting in the execution of the Fugitive Sl