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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for March 4th or search for March 4th in all documents.

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endure permanently half slave, half free, and that the public mind must rest in the belief that Slavery is in the course of ultimate extinction. This sectional combination for the subversion of the Constitution has been aided, il some of the States, by elevating to citizenship persons who, by the supreme law of the land, are incapable of becoming citizens; and their votes have been used to inaugurate a new policy, hostile to the South, and destructive of its peace and safety. On the 4th of March next this party will take possession of the Government. It has announced that the South shall be excluded from the common territory, that the Judicial tribunal shall be made sectional, and that a war must be waged against Slavery until it shall cease throughout the United States. The guarantees of the Constitution will then no longer exist; the equal rights of the States will be lost. The Slaveholding States will no longer have the power of self-government, or self-protection, and th
uly represent them. The Committee of Thirty-three on Friday adjourned for a week, without coining to any vote, after solemnly pledging themselves to vote on all the propositions then before them on that day. It is controlled by the Black Republicans, your enemies, who only seek to amuse you within delusive hope until your election, that you may defeat the friends of secession. If you are deceived by them, t shall not be my fault. I have put the test fairly and frankly. It is decisive against you now. I tell you, upon the faith of a true man, that all further looking to the North for security for your constitutional rights in the Union ought to be instantly abandoned. It is fraught with nothing but ruin to yourselves and your posterity. Secession by the 4th day of March next should be thundered froin the ballot-box by the unanimous vote of Georgia on the 2d day of January next. Such a voice will be your best guarantee for liberty, security, tranquillity, and glory. R. Toombs.
-Carrington's call. To the Public: Whereas, the militia of the district is not organized, and threats have been made that the President-elect shall not be inaugurated in Washington, and there is reason therefore to apprehend that on the 4th of March next our city may be made the scene of riot, violence, and bloodshed; and, whereas, the undersigned believes that the honor of the nation and our city demands that the President-elect shall be inaugurated in the national metropolis, and that tsigned earnestly invites all who concur with him in opinion, and who are not now connected with some military company, to join with him in forming a temporary military organization, with a view of preserving peace and order in our midst on the 4th of March next, or whenever the emergency requires it — and for that purpose to unite with the volunteer companies of our city, which have, in a spirit of gallantry and patriotism worthy of our imitation, pledged themselves to the cause of the Union, th
er to give public assurance that no measures of force are contemplated towards us. Your Excellency will pardon me, therefore, for asking whether the United States forts will be garrisoned with United States troops during your administration. This question I ask in perfect respect, and with an earnest desire to prevent consequences which I know would be regretted by your Excellency as much as myself. Should I receive assurance that no troops will be sent to this State prior to the 4th of March next, then all will be peace and quiet here, and the property of the United States will be fully protected as heretofore. If, however, I am unable to get such assurances, I will not undertake to answer for the consequences. The forts in this State have long been unoccupied, and their being garrisoned at this time will unquestionably be looked upon as a hostile demonstration, and will, in my opinion, certainly be resisted. Secretary Holt responded, under date of Jan. 15: Your
co-operation with their brethren in the other States, through the Congress of the United States, and such extraordinary conventions, if there shall be need thereof, as the federal Constitution contemplates and authorizes to be assembled. It is, however, the purpose of the Secretary of State on this occasion not to invite or engage in any discussion of these subjects, but simply to set forth his reasons for declining to comply with the request of Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford. On the 4th of March inst., the newly elected President of the United States, in view of all the facts bearing on the present question, assumed the executive Administration of the Government, first delivering, in accordance with an early, honored custom, an Inaugural Address to the people of the United States. The Secretary of State respectfully submits a copy of this address to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford. A simple reference to it will be sufficient to satisfy those gentlemen that the Secretary of State
to the attempt to reinforce Fort Sumter. He saw that it would cost men and vessels, which the Government could not spare just now. As an able general, he saw that Sumter and Charleston were points of no military importance, and would only need valuable men to hold, if we took them — with no adequate advantage gained. He saw that the two keys of the position were Fort Pickens in the Gulf, and Washington, the capital. He knew that Davis had not generalship to perceive that on the 4th of March, and for some weeks afterward, it would have been almost impossible for the Federal Government to defend Washington against such a force as the traitors had already collected before Sumter, and which could be marched at any time on a capital not yet prepared for defence — not yet even purged of traitors. His plans, based on these facts, were at once laid. By every means in his power, he concentrated the attention of traitors and loyal men on Sumter. He must have seen with infinite sa
vereignty defied and broken in pieces, and yet waiting with patient, brotherly, magnanimous kindness, until insurrection, having spent its fury, should reach out its hand for a peaceful arrangement. Men began to call it cowardice, on the one hand; and we, who watched closely the crisis, feared that this effort to be magnanimous would demoralize the conscience and the courage of the North. We were afraid that, as the hour went by, the virtue of the people, white-heat as it stood on the 4th day of March, would be cooled by the temptations, by the suspense, by the want and suffering, that were stalking from the Atlantic to the Valley of the Mississippi. We were afraid the Government would wait too long, and find, at last, that instead of a united people, they ere deserted, and left alone to meet the foe. At this time, the South knew, recognized, by her own knowledge of constitutional questions, that the Government could not advance one inch towards acknowledging secession; that when
re intrusted with its guardianship, and they proceed to develop the great conspiracy and organize the rebel government, while the loyal citizens of the United States are helplessly compelled to await the inauguration of the new President. The 4th of March arrives at last, Mr. Lincoln takes the oath to maintain the Constitution and the laws, and when in obedience to that oath he orders the rebels to disperse, and calls upon the country for assistance, the loyal States, as one man, prepare to crut fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! The sword is now the only pen with which we can write peace in enduring characters on the map of America. The day of compromise is gone; that sort of thing, as the Secretary said, ended with the Fourth of March. We have had devices enough for saving the Union, devices suggested by the men who are now striving to destroy it. There is one good old plan provided by the Constitution that was successfully practised by Washington and Jackson; we are