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eedmen, Northern or other Union men, refugees, etc., in the Southern States for the last six months or a year. My object in this is to make a report showing that the courts in the States excluded from Congress afford no security to life or property of the classes here referred to, and to recommend that martial law be declared over such districts as do not afford the proper protection. Yours truly, U. S. Grant, General. To General O. O. Howard, Comg. Freedmen's Bureau, etc. On the 4th of March, two days after the passage of the Reconstruction bill, he wrote to his intimate friend Washburne, who was then abroad: . . . Reconstruction measures have passed both houses of Congress over one of the most ridiculous veto messages that ever emanated from any President. Jerry Black is supposed to be the author of it. He has been about Washington for some time, and I am told has been a great deal about the White House. It is a fitting end to all our controversy (I believe this last
n-law, wrote out an inaugural address for him in full, and brought it to him in my presence. As soon as Corbyn left the room Grant handed the paper to me and told me to seal it up, and be sure it was not read by any human being till after the 4th of March. He never knew the contents, and I never read more than the first line: Fellow-citizens, I appear before you at this time. There were more than six hundred letters waiting for him in Washington, all of which I opened. A newspaper correspo, but the world will more readily believe me when I recount his excellences if I do not hesitate to portray his errors; and this that I now point out was one of the most conspicuous in his career. One afternoon, about three weeks before the 4th of March, Grant wrote his inaugural address. I was alone with him in the room, and when he had finished he handed the paper to me. This was before the return of Rawlins from Connecticut, whither he had gone sick and almost heartbroken, because Grant w
Chapter 19: Cabinet-making. on the 4th of March Grant refused the company of the outgoing President on his way to the Capitol, and Johnson remained at the White House signing his last papers, until noon. Then he made room for the man whom he doubtless detested more than any other, who had done more than any other to foil ht to give me the mission to Belgium. He did not wish, however, to appoint me at once, lest it should provoke a charge of favoritism. A few weeks before the 4th of March, as nothing was said by Grant to either Rawlins or Washburne of their future, both became ill. Rawlins went off to Connecticut, and from there it was reported rdinary occasions; it had cost him thirty dollars a bottle. Nobody dreamed then that Mr. Stewart was to be appointed Secretary of the Treasury; but before the 4th of March the place was offered him. When the difficulties proved insurmountable Stewart lost his only chance of becoming a statesman. The President could find anoth
Thus their relations, although after this period never intimate, were not absolutely interrupted. Some of Seward's admirers even proposed to Grant, when he became President-elect, to invite Seward to remain in the State Department, but he never entertained the idea I remember a dinner at the house of Mr. Thornton, the British Minister, given after Grant's election, at which Seward sat on the right of the host and Grant on the left; and Seward remarked, as he took his seat, After the 4th of March, General, you and I will be obliged to exchange places at table. But there were many even then who placed General Grant above the Secretary of State, and Grant himself, in more important matters than rank or etiquette, was asserting his own consequence. He had endeavored, as I have shown, to prevent the host who was then entertaining them from negotiating a treaty with Seward, and he had striven successfully to lessen the influence of Seward's Minister to Mexico. Still the honors wer
fficially to act, Sumner refused to associate with the principal representative and spokesman of his own Government. The conferences with Rose, however, continued, and he at last returned to England, the bearer of information which resulted in the dispatch of three Commissioners from the British Government who negotiated with our own representatives the Treaty of Washington. The British Commissioners arrived in this country in the last days of February; the new Senate assembled on the 4th of March, and then the Administration, with whom it was evident that Mr. Sumner could not or would not work, exerted itself to procure the selection of another Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. Sumner would speak neither to the President nor to the Secretary of State, and it was impossible to carry on public business without such communication between these high officials. Neither the President nor the Secretary would resign, and Sumner was less powerful than they. He was deposed.
for extensive military preparations. There was not more than the complement of a single regiment in Washington on the 4th of March. There were troops enough within reach to be summoned if required, but no show of preparation was made to invite or provoke disturbance. The 4th of March that year fell on a Sunday, and Mr. Hayes arrived at Washington only the Friday before. Grant telegraphed in advance and invited him to dinner on Saturday. The President-elect was requested to name any personry of State, therefore, inquired whether Mr. Hayes would take the oath of office then (on Saturday), or on Sunday, the 4th of March. Mr. Hayes replied that he could not possibly be sworn in on a Sunday. Accordingly, in the evening, before dinner, thf Hayes, and very much indeed to facilitate his installation, and Hayes appreciated this course. A few days after the 4th of March, the new President invited Grant to say if there were any personal friends in office whom he would like to have retain
the indorsement valuable. When it was first announced that Blaine was to be made Secretary of State, Grant would not believe the appointment possible, and after it became certain that the man he regarded as his most prominent enemy was to be chief of Garfield's Cabinet, his mortification was extreme. At first he declared that he should withhold all support from the Administration if Blaine became a member; but he soon thought better of this and went to Washington a few days after the 4th of March. He visited the President and was invited to breakfast. On his return I spent several hours with him and he told me that Garfield had assured him of his gratitude and of his desire to regard Grant's wishes so far as possible in his policy and appointments. On the 22d of March I went to Washington, having passed the previous evening with Grant; I carried a letter from him to the President requesting that I might be retained at London, where I was still Consul-General. I went, however
eing in the majority, and no one was more earnest than he. But General Grant remained indifferent, and this time his indifference was real. He was absorbed in his sufferings, and believed the bill would be of no use to him now. His family, too, cared little for success, save as it might soothe or possibly brighten his last hours. The doctors thought it might possibly revive his spirits and prolong his days; but why, some thought, prolong his sufferings? Finally, on the morning of the 4th of March, almost in the last moments of the expiring Congress, the bill was taken up by unanimous consent in the House of Representatives, and passed at once amid great cheering. The President, as usual at the close of the session, was in a chamber at the Capitol, waiting to sign such bills as had been left to the last moment, and must fail unless they instantly receive his signature. He signed the bill. A nomination had been made out in advance and was sent at once to the Senate. There lacked