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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
persevere, I pray you not to doubt. The President's great difficulty now is as to arming the blacks. He invites them as laborers, but he still holds back from the last step to which everything irresistibly tends. He says, Wait; time is essential. That is, after an interval of time we shall be able to do what he thinks we cannot do now. Of course, he assumes that in the last resort every agency must be employed; and the country expects this. I am against emancipation by war, and I have always been against any interference with slavery in the States; but I have clearly seen from the beginning that only in this way can our war be ended. . . . . I owe the duke a letter also. Thanks for your frankness. Write me unreservedly. I know your sincerity and goodness so well that I cannot misunderstand you. The Duchess in her letter of July 12 had written her conviction that the attempt to overcome the rebellion had become hopeless, and her earnest desire to have it given up.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 46: qualities and habits as a senator.—1862. (search)
six months after the session began), he remarked that he had not been absent from his seat three minutes since it was taken up, or half an hour since the session began. May 30, 1862. Works, vol. VII. pp. 110, 111. Near the end of the session he spoke forcibly against a final adjournment until the public business was completed, pointing out that Congress was by several weeks short of the limit which it was accustomed to reach when members were paid by the day instead of by the year. July 12 (Works, vol. VII. pp. 176-179). He had made similar remarks May 22 (Congressional Globe, p. 2225). The New York Evening Post, June 7, 1862, had an article of the same tenor. In declining an invitation to attend a public meeting in the city of New York, he said, A senator cannot leave his place more than a soldier. July 14, 1862. Works, vol. VII. pp. 180, 181. It has often occurred in the Senate,—and it occurred many times during this session, in which the duties of patriotism were
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
ebellion was improbable; but he had no faith, when that result should be reached, in the pacification of the revolted States. He was not in sympathy with some of our military methods, particularly the blockade, which he thought an unnecessary interruption of the pursuits of peace, and sure, if the contest were prolonged, to bring on foreign intervention. Letter of Cobden to Sumner, in manuscript, July 11, 1862. Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. p. 401. The Duke of Argyll wrote Sumner, July 12, to the same effect. Thus hampered by economical opinions and want of faith, he was less aggressive in our behalf than he might otherwise have been. The Duchess of Argyll wrote often to Sumner, and the duke occasionally. Both were personally sympathetic, and wished well to our country and the antislavery cause; but they had little faith, for the first two years of the war, in our success, and they believed that the South, if overcome by armies, would be unsubdued in spirit,—a very larg
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
mber, I have seen and known him, always looking up to him with reverence. It is hard to think that I shall not see and know him more on earth. I trust that his papers are in such condition that we can all have the benefit of them. It will be a rare pleasure to read the political reminiscences of a person who enjoyed such opportunities, and who was always so honest. You will be good enough to offer from me to his family the assurance of my sympathy. He wrote to Mrs. Nassau W. Senior, July 12, on the death of her husband:— Let me express to you the deep sympathy with which I have learned your recent bereavement. For more than a quarter of a century I have known Mr. Senior well, and had always found him kind, candid, considerate, and full of true friendship. A large circle will deplore his loss; and I pray you not to forget that it embraces many on this side of the ocean. But I wish to speak especially of myself; I shall always remember with pleasure and gratitude the re
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?1866-1867. (search)
lar agitation for this measure. Letter to the New York Independent, May 2, 1867. Works, vol. XI. pp. 356-360. Immediately after, Conkling, a partisan of the rule, endeavored to introduce a resolution to enable a young man to enter the Naval Academy, when Sumner, to the amusement of the Senate, reminded that senator that while he had insisted on the rule against a bill to confer rights upon a whole race, he now asked to have it set aside for a bill to confer a right upon one young man. July 12, Congressional Globe, p. 615. Sumner aided Conkling's bill a few days later. July 17, Globe, p. 701. Sumner carried at this time a bill to prevent exclusions from office and juries in the District of Columbia on account of race or color. Works, vol. XI. pp. 414-417. It passed the House, but did not become a law for want of the President's signature. Twice, at the next session, when carried at his instance, it met the same fate; Dec. 5, 12, 1867; Jan. 7, 24: Feb. 24, 1868; Congres
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
om Rev. A. Toomer Porter, of Charleston, S. C. Invitations to address the Southern people came to the senator. An interview between him and Southern delegates returning from the Democratic convention at Baltimore is given in the New York World, July 12. in a caustic vein, saying to Mr. Blaine at the outset, that, serving in the fellowship of men devoted to the Antislavery cause, he had not missed the Speaker until he hastened to report absence; and commenting on the reference to his old assailspeak of him in unkindness; and now after the lapse of more than half a generation I will not unite with you in dragging him from the grave where he sleeps, to aggravate the passions of a political conflict and arrest the longing for concord. July 12. This letter, as well as the speech in the Senate, was warmly praised by Whitelaw Reid in leaders in the New York Tribune. Sumner remained at Washington till well on into the heats of August, busy with correspondence and controversy. One e