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Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 477 477 Browse Search
William F. Fox, Lt. Col. U. S. V., Regimental Losses in the American Civil War, 1861-1865: A Treatise on the extent and nature of the mortuary losses in the Union regiments, with full and exhaustive statistics compiled from the official records on file in the state military bureaus and at Washington 422 422 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 227 227 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition. 51 51 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 50 50 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 1, Mass. officers and men who died. 46 46 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 45 45 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 43 43 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition. 35 35 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8 35 35 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for September or search for September in all documents.

Your search returned 10 results in 8 document sections:

m American Slavery, to inquire into the welfare of their inhabitants. On the 17th of May, 1838, at the burning by a mob of Pennsylvania Hall — built by Abolitionists, because they could be heard in no other — his little property, consisting mainly of papers, books, clothes, etc., which had been collected in one of the rooms of that Hall, with a view to his migration westward, was totally destroyed. In July, he started for Illinois, where his children then resided, and reached them in the September following. He planted himself at Lowell, La Salle county, gathered his offspring about him, purchased a printing-office, and renewed the issues of his Genius. But in August, 1839, he was attacked by a prevailing fever, of which he died on the 22d of that month, in the 51st year of his age. Thus closed the record of one of the most heroic, devoted, unselfish, courageous lives, that has ever been lived on this continent. Condensed from the Life of Benjamin Lundy, by Thomas Earle. W
ultras in defeating that programme in its primitive shape; and he had stubbornly resisted the admission of California as a Free State, unless and until paid for by concessions on the part of the North. Yet his draft of a Fugitive Slave Law was adopted by the great Compromise Committee, and ultimately rushed through the two Houses with little consideration and less scrutiny. When it was reached in its order in the lower, Judge James Thompson Democrat, of Erie, Pa. obtained the floor September, 12th.--doubtless by prearrangement with Speaker Cobb--and spoke in favor of the measure as just and necessary, closing his remarks by a demand of the Previous Question. This was sustained by a majority; and the bill — with all its imperfections on its head, and without affording any opportunity for amendment — was ordered to a third reading by 109 Yeas to 75 Nays — every member from a Slave State who voted at all, voting Yea, with 28 Democrats and 3 Samuel A. Eliot, Massachusetts, Joh<
, the double-headed action in Kansas proceeding, an immense majority of the settlers, though prevented by Federal force from effecting such an organization as they desired, utterly refused to recognize the Legislature chosen by the Missouri invaders, or the officers thereby appointed: consequently, each party held its own conventions and elections independent of the other. The pro-Slavery Legislature called a Constitutional Convention in 1857, which met at Lecompton on the first Monday of September. That Convention proceeded, of course, to form a pro-Slavery Constitution, which they pretended to submit to the people at an election held on the 21st of December following. But at this remarkable election, held expressly to ratify or reject a State Constitution, no one was allowed to vote against that Constitution. The vote was to be taken For the Constitution with Slavery or For the Constitution without Slavery --no others to be allowed or counted. It was accordingly so taken, and t
t beaten in Rhode Island--an independent ticket, headed by William Sprague for Governor, carrying the State over theirs, by 1,460 majority. In Connecticut, Gov. Buckingham had been re-elected by barely 541 majority, in nearly 80,000 votes — the heaviest poll ever had there at a State Election. It was evident that harmony at Charleston would have rendered the election of a Democratic President morally certain. But, after the disruption there, things were bravely altered. Maine, early in September, elected a Republican Governor by 18,091 majority; Vermont directly followed, with a Republican majority of 22,370; but when Pennsylvania and Indiana, early in October, declared unmistakably for Lincoln — the former choosing Andrew G. Curtin her Governor by 32,164 majority over Henry D. Foster, who had the hearty support of all three opposing parties; while Indiana chose Gen. Henry S. Lane by 9,757 over T. A. Hendricks, his only competitor, with seven out of eleven Representatives in Congr
of calling an election to select two delegates from each congressional district, to meet in general Convention at Louisville, in Kentucky, on the first Monday in September next: the purpose of the said Convention to be to devise measures for the restoration of peace to the country. On motion of Mr. Washburne, of Ill., this was called Confederate States the appointment of a similar commission, and who shall meet and confer on the subject in the city of Louisville, on the first Monday of September next. And that) the Committee appointed from this House notify said Commissioners of their appointment and function, and report their action to the next sessionof calling an election to select two delegates from each Congressional district, to meet in general Convention at Louisville, in Kentucky, on the first Monday in September next; the purpose of the said Convention to be to devise measures for the restoration of peace to our country. Mr. Carlile, of Va. Mr. President, there is no
erable quantity of provisions and stores. Our loss was next to nothing. And the secret of the expedition had been so well kept that, for several days thereafter, blockade-runners from various quarters ran into the inlet as a Confederate shelter, and fell an easy prey to our arms. No effort being made by the Confederates to retake this important position, Gen. Butler, with most of our vessels, had departed on other service; when Col. Hawkins, commanding at Hatteras, dispatched, late in September, the 20th Indiana, Col. Brown, to the petty hamlet on the Hatteras Bank, known as Chicamicomico, near Cape Hatteras, and some fifteen or twenty miles north-east of the Inlet. The excuse for this perilous division of his forces was the protection of the native residents, who claimed to be Unionists. A few days thereafter (Sept. 29th), the propeller Fanny, which had transported the regiment to Chicamicomico, and was now proceeding through the Sound, carrying thither a full cargo of stores
, he gravely informed them that lie should need 200,000 men to recover and hold Kentucky; when, in fact, there were not 40,000 Rebels in arms within the limits of that State. Pollard, writing of the early part of November, says: Despite the victory of Belmont, our situation in Kentucky was one of extreme weakness, and entirely at the mercy of the enemy, if he had not been imposed upon by false representations of the number of our forces at Bowling Green. * * * About the middle of September, Gen. Buckner advanced, with a small force of about 4,000 men, which was increased, by the 15th of October, to 12,000; and, though other accessions of force were received, it continued at about the same strength until the end of November, measles and other diseases keeping down the effective force. The enemy's force then was reported to the War Department at 50,000; and an advance was impossible. The Unionists of south-eastern Kentucky were mustering and organizing under Col. Garrard
not only far better drilled and fitted for service than that with which Gen. McDowell had advanced to Centerville and Bull Run, but it was better constituted, in that its members — not one of them a conscript — had enlisted for a term of years, after all sixty-day hallucinations had been dispelled, and with a full knowledge that they were to encounter the hardships, the perils and the privations of protracted and inexorable war. Gen. McClellan held his first grand parade at the close of September, when 70,000 men of all arms were assembled, maneuvered, and reviewed; a larger army than had ever before been concentrated on any field in America. Apprehensions were expressed that the Rebels would improve this opportunity to attack some portion of our lines; but they were not strong enough to warrant such a venture. Still, regiment after regiment, battery after battery,was poured from the North into Washington, and thence distributed to the several camps assigned them on either side o