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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
ence. Julia, I fear, will miss his brotherly attentions very much. I feel painfully my own inability to supply them. If you were at home, our happiness would be increased very much, and our resources of all kinds also. To Josiah Quincy, September 2:— Mrs. Quincy's long illness had made me often think of late that the close of her beautiful life was near at hand; and yet the sad tidings struck my heart like a knell. Closely interwoven with the memories of my college life is the kinher memory, and deeply sympathizing with you and your family, I cannot forbear offering the tribute of my grief. Mrs. Quincy's early and constant interest in Sumner has already appeared in this Memoir, vol. II p. 262. To George Sumner, September 2:— I rejoice in your confidence in the French Republic; and yet I must say it seems a government which deserves very little sympathy. I have been shocked by the press gag and the retrenchment of suffrage. It is a kingless monarchy, with
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
e of the national government,—which is in the District of Columbia, on the high seas, and in the domestic slave-trade; and beyond this, to have this government for freedom, so far as it can exert an influence, and not for slavery. When this is accomplished, then slavery will be taken out of the vortex of national politics; and the influences of education and improved civilization, and of Christianity, will be left free to act against it in the States where it exists. To John Bigelow, September 2:— You inquire about Eliot. Samuel A. Eliot, elected to Congress as successor to Winthrop. He is an honest and obstinate man, but essentially Hunker in grain. In other days and places he would have been an inquisitor. He dislikes a Democrat, and also a Free Soiler, as the gates of hell; still he is not without individual sympathies for the slave. I doubt if he can be a tool; besides, personally, he has little confidence in Webster. The attack here is just now most bitter upon
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
d long articles to his land speech, abstained from all editorial mention of this speech against the Fugitive Slave Act which was attracting universal attention, not even giving it so much as a paragraph in the news column. The Advertiser, Courier, Atlas, and Post. The writer does not intend to imply that they excluded the summary of the speech from the telegraphic dispatches. The Springfield Republican, August 28, mingled satire and praise in about equal proportion; but it denounced, September 2, without stint, the coarseness of Clemens's remarks. The reason for this reserve was obvious. Finding nothing in the speech which could be the subject of cavil, they would not, by drawing public attention to it, strengthen the position of its author. Of English friends who expressed warmly their approval of the speech, were Alderson and Cresswell among judges; Adolphus, the reporter, now a county judge; W. E. Forster, then a contributor to the Westminster Review on the slavery questi
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
, and by Mrs. Julia Ward Howe in the New York Tribune, November 16. Sumner, as usual, was more sensitive than he need to have been to the criticisms of old friends like Greeley and Bryant, and to the want of response from others; and in a letter to Gerrit Smith, June 11, he mentioned how much he missed Horace Mann, William Jay, and Theodore Parker, all recently deceased, of whose sympathy he was always assured. But the popular approval he received was all he could desire. He wrote, September 2, to R. Schleiden: Meanwhile the good cause advances. Massachusetts stands better, fairer, and squarer than ever before. Sumner was not altogether sure when the session began how much he could bear. He wrote to Whittier, Dec. 12, 1859:— At last I am well again, with only the natural solicitude as to the effect of work, and the constant pressure of affairs on a system which is not yet hardened and annealed. My physician enjoins for the present caution and a gradual resumption of m