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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
n appeal to the country. He chafed under the undue influence of Kentucky and other border slave States over the Administration; and he was sorely grieved at the President's revocation of Fremont's proclamation. He wrote Dr. Lieber, September 17, six days after the issue of the order revoking it:— The London Times is right. We cannot conquer the rebels as the war is now conducted. There will be a vain masquerade of battles, a flux of blood and treasure, and nothing done! Never has thed at Worcester; but the public mind had become more familiar with the topic, and an antislavery policy was now finding more general favor. Among Sumner's letters at this period was one to John Bright, October:— Mr. Bright wrote to Sumner September 6,—the beginning of their correspondence on the Civil War. Your letter was so interesting and satisfactory that I could not forbear sending it to Mr. Seward, who has returned it to me with a letter which I enclose. Perhaps I cannot share <
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
erywhere. Everywhere soldiers come forward for offices of all kinds, from the Presidency to the post of constable; and this will be the case from this time during my life. You will read the President's letter. Aug. 26, 1863, to the Illinois Union convention. It is like him, unique and characteristic; but he states the case very well. It has given assurance that there is no chance of compromise. Of course not; every day makes the end of slavery more certain. To R. Schleiden, September 6:— Your note was most instructive. You were right,—there will be no war on account of poor Poland. What means the policy of the emperor on this continent? I fear trouble ahead. The President's recent letter was all that I had ever promised. It is his best production. If there had been any doubt about the way in which the war will close, that letter must have removed it. I wish I had been at Washington to pay my respects to Mrs. Ward, the new bride. To all the baron's fami
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
anish question. But I am lost in wonder at the perseverance of Lord Russell as a prophet of evil to the United States. He has a naivete in his avowals; witness that at the close of his speech of 27th of June. But we shall disappoint him. I thank you for your faith; but do not forget that we are fighting your battle here. Our triumph will help the liberal cause everywhere. Sumner made several popular addresses in the autumn of 1864,—one at Faneuil Hall on the national victories; September 6. Works, vol. IX. pp. 64-67. another at the same place in support of Mr. Lincoln's re-election; September 28. Works, vol. IX. pp. 68-82. another at Cooper Institute on the issues of the election; November 5. Works, vol. IX. pp. 83-133. and the last at Faneuil Hall on the evening of the election. November 5. Works, vol. IX. pp. 134-136. He put forward on these occasions, as patriotic aims, the complete suppression of the rebellion and the complete extinction of slavery. Ne
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?1866-1867. (search)
He delighted not only in fresh volumes, but also in old and rare and forgotten books, and in tracing out those who gave them to the world. This habit, contracted in youth, began with his Characters of Lawyers and Judges, Ante, vol. i. p. 124. and appears in later papers, Benjamin Franklin and John Slidell at Paris (Works, vol. VIII. pp. 1-38): Clemency and Common Sense, a Curiosity of Literature. Works, vol. IX. pp. 503-544. which required toilsome research. John Sherman, writing, September 6, from Mansfield, Ohio, said:— Aside from its elegance as a literary composition and its romantic interest, it has a political significance of very great importance. I have felt that after reconstruction is settled, we must have some grand idea as the centre of our political policy. What can be better than the gradual extension of our republican system over the continent? George F. Edmunds wrote from Burlington, Vt.:— It ought to have a place in every school-room and in e
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
many of them became again in high favor with the party which they then left. Among them, in New York, were Frank Hiscock, senator in Congress, Chauncey M. Depew, whose nomination was supported in 1888 by the Republicans of his State as a candidate for the Presidency, and who was afterwards offered the post of Secretary of State, Mr. Depew, as the anti-Grant candidate for lieutenant-governor of New York, made about forty addresses, the tenor of which may be found in the New York Tribune, Sept. 6, 20, 21; Oct. 17, 25; Nov. 3, 1872. What he said on the platform, and what Mr. Reid the editor said in his leaders, in the description of General Grant's personal and official qualities, was quite as severe as anything to be found in Sumner's treatment of the same subject. and Whitelaw Reid, minister to France, and Republican candidate for the Vice-Presidency in 1892; in Massachusetts, N. P. Banks, member of Congress, United States marshal and presidential elector, John D. Long, governor,