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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
ssed a few months before, they were laid on the table. Hayden intimated that the source from which they came affected his action in a measure. The rejection of the resolutions was the subject of discussion in the newspapers. Boston Atlas, September 17; Boston Whig, September 16, 17, 18, 20, 21. Sumner was placed at the head of the list of delegates, exceeding one hundred in number, among whom were Winthrop, Adams, J. Lothrop Motley, G. T. Curtis, and P. w. Chandler. Rev. A. P. Putnam,— th17, 18, 20, 21. Sumner was placed at the head of the list of delegates, exceeding one hundred in number, among whom were Winthrop, Adams, J. Lothrop Motley, G. T. Curtis, and P. w. Chandler. Rev. A. P. Putnam,— then a youth, since well known as a clergyman,—after speaking of the great public interest felt at the time in Sumner on account of his addresses of transcendent merit, especially his Fourth of July oration, and of his being then regarded as a most able, fearless, and eloquent representative of the Conscience Whigs and champion of freedom, writes:— The interest which he was now attracting to himself was very marked; and as he more and more came to be talked about, and men were turning to hi
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
et of Joseph Surface. In the issues of October 12, 13, 16, and November 2. Sumner was accused of attempting to mislead the people in holding the Whigs responsible for not resisting the admission of Texas as a slave State. To this charge he replied in a letter,—Atlas, October 16; Advertiser, October 18. The Advertiser, while refraining from the coarse epithets of the Atlas, gave to its arguments against the new party a personal direction at Sumner and Adams,—September 21, 27; October 3, 13, 17, 28, 30. It belittled the slavery question, treated the alleged slave-power as fictitious, and denied that the slaveholding interest was a dangerous power in the government,—August 11, and September 9, 11. The Whig newspaper outside of Boston which reflected most the spirit of the Boston press was the New Bedford Mercury. It applied then and later to Free Soilers the coarsest epithets,—to Giddings, for instance, knave, hypocrite, bigot, lying politician. The Lowell Courier was not far beh
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
ought Scott's chances good, while Webster's have always seemed insignificant. His course lately has been that of a madman. He declined to participate in any of the recent celebrations, Railroad Jubilee, Sept. 15, 1851. cherishing still a grudge because he was refused the use of Faneuil Hall. The mayor told me that Webster cut him dead, and also Alderman Rogers, when they met in the apartments of the President. The papers—two Hunkers—have hammered me for calling on the President. September 17, in Boston. on the occasion of the Railroad Jubilee. Sumner, as already seen, had strongly condemned President Fillmore a year before for approving the Fugitive Slave bill. It is shrewdly surmised that their rage came from spite at the peculiarly cordial reception which he gave me. Lord Elgin I liked much; he is a very pleasant and clever man, and everybody gave him the palm among the speakers. I was not present at the dinner, and did not hear him. There is a lull now with regard t
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
e hundred and eighty votes; Breckinridge, seventy-two; Bell, thirty-nine; and Douglas, twelve. The Unionists in the South were divided between Douglas and Bell. In the North the rump of the Whig party—those antipathetic to antislavery sentiments—supported Bell and Everett; and their leaders in Massachusetts were chiefly the old opponents of the Conscience Whigs,—Winthrop, Eliot, Stevenson, G. T. Curtis, Walley, and Hillard. Some of these leaders are described in the New York Tribune; September 17, and the Boston Atlas and Bee, September 28. Felton, at this time President of Harvard College, and George Ticknor voted for Bell and Everett. The Whig conservatism of Boston had been broken up; but a remnant of five thousand votes was given in the city for Bell and Everett, principally cast by voters having a mercantile interest or connection, while the masses gave nearly ten thousand votes for Lincoln, and divided five thousand between the two Democratic candidates, Douglas and Breckin<