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ardly restrains individual action sufficiently for public safety; and the right to worship even according to our fancy. Yet with all these gifts-surely divine — they cannot be happy unless their Southern brothers will consent to lie upon the Procrustean bed they have constructed for them. They must adopt some other basis for the settlement of the question in agitation than passion. Why not let reason again resume its sway? Yours, affectionately, A. S. Johnston. Writing on the 23d of November, he says, in allusion to the same topic, and the election of Mr. Buchanan as President: My dear will: We are all well, and contented with the result of the election. If our Northern brethren will give up their fanatical, idolatrous negro-worship, we can go on harmoniously, happily, and prosperously, and also gloriously, as a nation. We hope this, although we fear it is asking too much of poor human nature. It is more in accordance with human experience to believe that they will
Fort Henry. Instead of 5,000, not 500 could be got together in all. Much of the work was done by the soldiers, at the cost of health, drill, and discipline. The authorities of Tennessee and Alabama did what they could to obtain the labor demanded. Official action was supplemented by patriotic voluntary effort. A committee of leading citizens of North Alabama and Tishomingo County, Mississippi, headed by General Samuel D. Weakley, appealed to the people in a private circular letter, November 23d, to furnish negro-laborers and volunteers to build and defend the works at Fort Henry. They plainly said that these defenses were important and unsafe, and that no time could be lost. They said: If our people were convinced as we are that a deadly struggle for our homes and property is impending — that the enemy in a few days will put forth his whole strength for our subjugation — they would rally en masse for the public defense. But the American people are so used to rhetoric