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Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 28 28 Browse Search
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Appian, The Foreign Wars (ed. Horace White) 1 1 Browse Search
Appian, The Foreign Wars (ed. Horace White) 1 1 Browse Search
Pliny the Elder, The Natural History (ed. John Bostock, M.D., F.R.S., H.T. Riley, Esq., B.A.) 1 1 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 35-37 (ed. Evan T. Sage, PhD professor of latin and head of the department of classics in the University of Pittsburgh) 1 1 Browse Search
Sir Richard C. Jebb, Commentary on Sophocles: Oedipus at Colonus 1 1 Browse Search
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Appian, Wars in Spain (ed. Horace White), CHAPTER X (search)
ade war on the Vaccæi without authority, was wintering in Turditania. When he discovered that the Lusitanians were making incursions in his neighborhood he sent out some of his best lieutenants and slew about 4000 of them. He killed 1500 others while they were crossing the straits near Gades. The remainder took refuge on a hill and he drew a line of circumvallation around it and captured an immense number of them. Then he invaded Y.R. 604 Lusitania and gradually depopulated it. Galba did B.C. 150 the same on the other side. When some of their ambassadors came to him desiring to renew the treaty made with Atilius, his predecessor in the command, though they had transgressed this treaty, he received them favorably, and made a truce and pretended to sympathize with them because they had been compelled by poverty to rob, make war, and break their engagements. "For, of course," said he, "poorness of soil and penury forced you to do these things. If you wish to be friendly, I will give you
Appian, Punic Wars (ed. Horace White), CHAPTER X (search)
s the boëtharch warned them off, fearing lest the relatives of the exiles should prevail with the multitude by their tears. When Gulussa was returning Hamilcar the Samnite set upon him, killed some of his attendants, and thoroughly frightened him. Thereupon Masinissa, making this an excuse, laid siege to the town of Oroscopa, which he desired to possess contrary to the treaty. The Carthaginians with 25,000 foot and 400 city Y.R. 604 horse under Hasdrubal, their boëtharch, marched against B.C. 150 Masinissa. At their approach, Asasis and Suba, Masinissa's lieutenants, on account of some difference with his sons, deserted with 6000 horse. Encouraged by this accession, Hasdrubal moved his forces nearer to the king and in some skirmishes gained the advantage. But Masinissa by stratagem retired little by little as if in flight, until he had drawn him into a great desert surrounded by hills and crags, and destitute of provisions. Then turning about he pitched his camp in the open plain. Has
Polybius, Histories, book 29, Scipio Nasica and Fabius Maximus Volunteer to Outflank the Macedonians (search)
Scipio Nasica and Fabius Maximus Volunteer to Outflank the Macedonians The first man to volunteer to make the outflanking Nasica, Fabius, and others volunteer to cross the mountains into Macedonia by Gytheum. movement was Scipio Nasica, son-in-law of Scipio Africanus, who afterwards became the most influential man in the Senate,P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica Corculum was afterwards Pontifex Maximus (B. C. 150). See Cic. de Sen. 3, 50. and who now undertook to lead the party. The second was Fabius Maximus, the eldest of the sons of the consul Aemilius Paulus,Of the two eldest sons of Aemilius, the elder was adopted by Quintus Fabius Maximus, the second by P. Cornelius Scipio, son of the elder Africanus, his maternal uncle. still quite a young man, who stood forward and offered to join with great enthusiasm. Aemilius was therefore delighted and assigned them a body of soldiers.From Plutarch, Aemilius, 15, who adds that Polybius made a mistake as to the number of soldiers told off for this
Polybius, Histories, book 33, Alexander Balas (search)
r Heracleides. But the majority had fallen under the spell of Heracleides's cunning, and were induced to pass the following decree: "Alexander and Laodice, children of a king, our friend and ally, appeared before the Senate and stated their case; and the Senate gave them authority to return to the kingdom of their forefathers; and help, in accordance with their request, is hereby decreed to them." Seizing on this pretext, Heracleides immediately began hiring mercenaries, and calling on some men of high position to assist him. He accordingly went to Ephesus and devoted himself to the preparations for his attempt.Alexander Balas was an impostor of low origin set up by Heracleides as a son of Antiochus Epiphanes. He entered Syria in B.C. 152, defeated and killed Demetrius in B.C. 150, and was himself defeated in B.C. 146 by Ptolemy Philometor (who also fell) in favour of a son of Demetrius, and was shortly afterwards murdered. Livy, Ep. 52, Appian, Syr. 67; Joseph. Antiq. 13, 2, 4. . . .
Polybius, Histories, book 36, The Romans Find a Justification for War (search)
orld on the subject, they were very nearly abandoning the war. . . The policy of Rome in Africa of constantly supporting Massanissa against Carthage was mentioned in 32, 2. Frequent complaints came to Rome from the Numidian King, and the Carthaginians were said to be collecting an army contrary to treaty. Commissioners were sent over in 154 B. C. on the advice of Cato, who were roughly treated at Carthage; and when, in B. C. 151, Massanissa sent his son Gulussa with similar complaints to Rome, Cato urged immediate war. The Senate, however, again sent commissioners, among whom was Cato himself, to examine into the matter. They reported that the Carthaginians had an army and navy. An ultimatum was therefore sent, that the army and navy were to be broken up within the year, or that the next consuls should bring the question of war before the Senate (B. C. 150). Just at this crisis Utica, in enmity with Carthage, placed itself under the protection of Rome. Livy, Ep. 48; Appian, Pun. 75.
Polybius, Histories, book 38, Rome and the Achaean League (search)
errors or deprecating the wrath of the sovereign people,—and this I genuinely did for my part at the actual time: but it is also right, in regard to the record of events to be transmitted to posterity, to leave them unmixed with any falsehood: so that readers should not be merely gratified for the moment by a pleasant tale, but should receive in their souls a lesson which will prevent a repetition of similar errors in the future. Enough, however, on this subject. . . . In the autumn of B. C. 150 the corrupt Menalchidas of Sparta was succeeded as Achaean Strategus by Diaeus, who, to cover his share in the corruption of Menalchidas, induced the league to act in the matter of some disputed claim of Sparta in a manner contrary to the decisions of the Roman Senate. The Spartans wished to appeal again to Rome; whereupon the Achaeans passed a law forbidding separate cities to make such appeals, which were to be only made by the league. The Lacedaemonians took up arms: and Diaeus professing
and Perseus. He is spoken of in high terms as a writer by Cicero. Horace, and Quintilian. Metellus Scipio,The father of Cornelia, the wife of Pompeius Magnus. After his defeat by Cæsar at the battle of Thapsus, he stabbed himself, and leaped into the sea. In what way he distinguished himself as an author, does not appear. Cornelius Cel- sus,See end of B. vii. Nigidius,See end of B. vi. Trebius Niger,He was one of the companions of L. Lucullus, proconsul in Bætica, the province of Spain, B. C. 150. His work on Natural History is several times referred to by Pliny. Pomponius Mela,See end of B. iii. Mamilius Sura.A writer on Agriculture, mentioned by Varro and Columella. Nothing more seems to be known of him. FOREIGN AUTHORS QUOTED.—King Juba,See end of B. v. Polybius,See end of B. iv. Herodotus,See end of B. ii. Antipater,Of Tarsus, a Stoic philosopher, the disciple and successor of Diogenes, and the teacher of Panætius, about B. C. 144. Of his personal history but little is known. Men
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 35 (ed. Evan T. Sage, PhD professor of latin and head of the department of classics in the University of Pittsburgh), chapter 14 (search)
ccomplished, yet it followed automatically, as if it had been consciously sought, that Hannibal, by reason of them, was less highly valued by the king and was more an object of suspicion in all respects. Claudius, following the Greek history of Acilius,The meaning of this phrase has been much debated, as has also the identification of this Claudius with Claudius Quadrigarius, who was one of the annalists used by Livy. I see no objection to taking the phrase literally, that Acilius (ca. 150 B.C.), who wrote a Roman history in Greek, was the source of Claudius, whether he be Claudius Quadrigarius, Claudius (Clodius) Licinus, or someone else. Nevertheless, the appearance of the same story in Appian (Syr. 10) suggests that the actual source of both Livy and Appian is Polybius, though the incident is not found in the extant portions of Polybius. There is an additional difficulty in the fact that Scipio was not, according to XXXIV. lix. 8, a member of this embassy, but Livy has omitted
Sir Richard C. Jebb, Commentary on Sophocles: Oedipus at Colonus, commLine 475 (search)
of the krath/r, like that which the suppliant put on his i(kethri/a (O. T. 3). new/rous is tempting, but elsewhere means "recent," "fresh" (730, El. 901), not "young." The drawback to Dindorf's nealou=s is the sense. nealh/s in class. Attic meant not young, but fresh as opp. to exhausted: Xen. Cyr. 8.6.17 paralamba/nein tou\s a)peirhko/tas i(/ppous kai\ a)nqrw/pous kai\ a)/llous pe/mpein nealei=s. Plat. Polit. 265B neale/steroi o)/ntes (we shall travel better) while we are fresh. Aristoph. fr. 330 e(/ws nealh/s e)stin au)th\n th\n a)kmh/n is an isolated line, but the word seems to have the same sense there. Nicander Alexipharmaca 358 (circ. 150 B.C.) is the first writer quoted for nealh/s as = "young." labw/n, sc. au)to/n: cp. Tr. 1216 ( didou/s ): Aristoph. Av. 56 su\ d' ou)=n li/qw| ko/yon labw/n (in O. T. 607 labw/n is not similar): Il. 7.303 dw=ke ci/fos a)rguro/hlon—su\n kolew=| te fe/rwn kai\ e)u+tmh/tw| telamw=ni. The guardian of the grove (506) would supply the mal
Samuel Ball Platner, Thomas Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, BASILICA AEMILIA BASILICA PAULI (search)
acted for the building of a basilica 'post argentarias novas' (Liv. xl. 51). In 159 P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica, when censor, installed a water clock in basilica Aemilia et Fulvia (Varro, LL vi. 4; cf. Censorin. de die nat. 23. 7; Plin. NH vii. 215: idque horologium sub tecto dicavit a.u. DXCV). This use of the double name, Aemilia et Fulvia, would seem to indicate that it was thus given in Varro's source, and was a usual, perhaps the official, designation of the building in the middle of the second century B.C., and that it had not wholly dropped out of use in Varro's own time. If so, Fulvius' colleague in the censorship of 179, M. Aemilius Lepidus, must have had at least equal responsibility in its construction, notwithstanding Livy's statement, a hypothesis that is supported by references to the later history of the basilica. In 78 B.C., the consul M. Aemilius Lepidus decorated the building (here called basilica Aemilia) with engraved shields or portraits of his ancestors (Plin. NHx
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