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A Dictionary of Greek and Roman biography and mythology (ed. William Smith) 41 41 Browse Search
Polybius, Histories 6 6 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 38-39 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D.) 5 5 Browse Search
Samuel Ball Platner, Thomas Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome 5 5 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 38-39 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D.) 2 2 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 40-42 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D.) 1 1 Browse Search
Pausanias, Description of Greece 1 1 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 35-37 (ed. Evan T. Sage, PhD professor of latin and head of the department of classics in the University of Pittsburgh) 1 1 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 28-30 (ed. Frank Gardener Moore, Professor Emeritus in Columbia University) 1 1 Browse Search
Appian, The Foreign Wars (ed. Horace White) 1 1 Browse Search
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Pausanias, Description of Greece, Arcadia, chapter 50 (search)
CatalogueHom. Il. 2.614 he remarks on the ignorance of the Arcadians of nautical matters. A few days after the sea-fight, Philopoemen and his band, waiting for a moonless night, burnt down the camp of the Lacedaemonians at Gythium. Thereupon Nabis caught Philopoemen himself and the Arcadians with him in a disadvantageous position. The Arcadians, though few in number, were good soldiers, and Philopoemen, by changing the order of his line of retreat, caused the strongest positions to be to his advantage and not to that of his enemy. He overcame Nabis in the battle and massacred during the night many of the Lacedaemonians, so raising yet higher his reputation among the Greeks. After this Nabis secured from the Romans a truce for a fixed period, but died before this period came to an end, being assassinated by a man of Calydon, who pretended that he had come about an alliance,192 B.C but was in reality an enemy who had been sent for this very purpose of assassination by the Aetolians.
Appian, Syrian Wars (ed. Horace White), CHAPTER II (search)
course. Hannibal, although a most profound military genius, did not perceive their design, but the king, when he learned what had been going on, did suspect him, and was more reluctant to give him his confidence thereafter. There was also some jealousy and envy added, lest Hannibal should carry off the glory of the exploits. It is said that at one of their meetings in the gymnasium Scipio and Hannibal had a conversation on the subject of generalship, in the presence of a number of B.C. 192 bystanders, and that Scipio asked Hannibal whom he considered the greatest general, to which the latter replied, "Alexander of Macedon." To this Scipio assented since he also yielded the first place to Alexander. Then he asked Hannibal whom he placed next, and he replied, "Pyrrhus of Epirus," because he considered boldness the first qualification of a general; "for it would not be possible," he said, "to find two kings more enterprising than these." Scipio was rather nettled by this, but neve
Polybius, Histories, book 3, Causes of the Second Punic War (search)
s of this contest between Rome and Carthage, allege first the siege of Saguntum by the Carthaginians, and, secondly, their breach of treaty by crossing the river called by the natives the Iber. B. C. 334. But though I should call these the first actions in the war, I cannot admit them to be its causes. One might just as well say that the crossing of Alexander the Great into Asia was the cause of the Persian war, and the descent of Antiochus upon Demetrias the cause of his war with Rome. B. C. 192, In neither would it be a probable or ture statement. In the first case, this action of Alexander's could not be called the cause of a war, for which both he and his father Philip in his lifetime had made elaborate preparations: and in the second case, we know that the Aetolian league had done the same, with a view to a war with Rome, before Antiochus came upon the scene. Such definitions are only worthy of men who cannot distinguish between a first overt act and a cause or pretext; and who d
Polybius, Histories, book 19, Summary Based on Livy (search)
s in Spain B. C. 195. The means taken by him to secure this simultaneous destruction of fortifications are told by Frontinus, Strateg, 1, 1, 1. We thus lose the history of the years B. C. 195, 194, 193; as well as the greater part of that of B. C. 192, 191, contained in the early part of book 20, of which only a few fragments remain. Livy, however, has evidently translated from Polybius in his history of these years, and a brief abstract of events in Greece may help the reader in following the o him. Hannibal arrives at the court of Antiochus, and urges him to resist; and the Aetolians urge the same course, trying also to stir up Nabis and Philip of Macedon. Antiochus accordingly will give the Roman envoys no satisfactory answer. B. C. 192: L. Quintius Flamininus, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Coss. The Romans therefore prepare for war. A fleet under the praetor Atilius is sent against Nabis: commissioners are sent into Greeceā€”T. Quintius Flamininius, C. Octavius, Cn. Servilius, P. Vil
Polybius, Histories, book 20, Greece: Antiochus and the Aetolians Meet (search)
Greece: Antiochus and the Aetolians Meet THE Aetolians chose thirty of the Antiochus the Great at a meeting of Aetolians at Lamia, autumn of B. C. 192. Livy, 35, 43-46. ApocletiThe Apocleti, of the numbers of whom we have no information, acted as a consultative senate to prepare measures for the Aetolian Assembly. See Freeman, History of Federal Government, p. 335. Livy, 35, 34. to confer with King Antiochus. . . . He accordingly summoned a meeting of the Apocleti and consulted them on the state of affairs. . . .
Polybius, Histories, book 20, Fortune and Degeneracy of the Boeotians (search)
Boeotians Such being the state of Boeotian politics, it was only by extraordinary good fortune that they evaded destruction in the dangerous periods of the wars of Philip and Antiochus. But in the succeeding period they did not escape in the same way. Fortune, on the contrary, seemed determined to make them pay for their former good luck by a specially severe retribution, as I shall relate hereafter. . . . Many of the Boeotians defended their alienation fromAntiochus received in Thebes, B. C. 192. the Romans by alleging the assassination of Brachylles,Brachylles, when a Boeotarch in B. C. 196, was assassinated by a band of six men, of whom three were Italians and three Aetolians, on his way home from a banquet. Livy, 33, 28. and the expedition made by Flamininus upon Coronea owing to the murders of Romans on the roads.Livy, 33, 29. But the real reason was their moral degeneracy, brought about by the causes I have mentioned. For as soon as the king approached, the Boeotian magistrates
Polybius, Histories, book 21, Terms of the Treaty (search)
and shall deliver the money in Rome. "The Aetolians shall give the Consul forty hostages, not less than ten or more than forty years old, to remain for the six years; they shall be selected by the Romans freely, excepting only the Strategus, Hipparch, public secretary, and such as have already been hostages at Rome. "The Aetolians shall deliver such hostages in Rome; and if any one of them die, they shall give another in his place. "Cephallenia shall not be included in this treaty. "Of such territories, cities, and men as once belongedB. C. 192. to the Aetolians, and, in the consulship of Titus Quinctius and Cnaeus Domitius, or subsequently, were either captured by the Roman or voluntarily embraced their friendship, the Aetolians shall not annex any, whether city or men therein. "The city and territory of Oeniadae shall belong to the Acarnanians." The treaty having been solemnly sworn, peace was concluded, and the war in Aetolia, as is in the rest of Greece, thus came to an end. . . .
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 29 (ed. Frank Gardener Moore, Professor Emeritus in Columbia University), chapter 12 (search)
Achaeans, Boeotians,B.C. 205 Thessalians, Acarnanians and Epirotes were included on the king's side of the treaty; on the side of the Romans, the Ilians,As progenitors of the Romans. Cf. their statement when Lucius Scipio visited Ilium in 190 B.C.; XXXVII. xxxvii. 1 ff.; cf. XXXVIII. xxxix. 10; Herodian I. 11. 3. Early evidence for the Aeneas legend. King Attalus, Pleuratus,A king of the Thracians; XXVI. xxiv. 9; XXVII. xxx. 13; XXVIII. v. 7. Nabis, tyrant of the Lacedaemonians,From 207 to 192 B.C. Successor of Machanidas, who fell in battle three years before this; Polybius XI. xviii. Frequently mentioned by Livy in subsequent books; his death XXXV. xxxv. 19. also the Eleans, Messenians and Athenians. These provisions were reduced to writing and sealed, and an armistice was made for two months, that meanwhile ambassadors might be sent to Rome, so that the people might order peace to be made on these terms. And all the tribes so ordered, since, now that the war had shifted
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 35 (ed. Evan T. Sage, PhD professor of latin and head of the department of classics in the University of Pittsburgh), chapter 44 (search)
, silence being with difficulty obtained, the king was introduced by Phaeneas the praetor and the other chiefs and began to speak. The opening of his speech was an apology because he had come with forces so much smaller than everyone had hoped and expected. This, he said, should be the best proof of the goodwill which he felt for them, because, although not fully prepared in any respect and at a premature timeThe phrase indicates that Antiochus crossed the Aegean in the fall (of 192 B.C.), after the storms had begun, instead of waiting for the next spring. for sailing, at the summons of their ambassadors he had obeyed without objection and had believed that when the Aetolians saw him they would consider that all their hope of safety depended on himself alone. But the hopes, even of those whose expectations seemed disappointed for the moment, he would realize to the full: for as soon as the early season of the year made the sea navigable he would fill all Greece
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 38 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D.), chapter 11 (search)
itius or after that consulship,Livy and Polybius (l.c.) agree on these names, but one or the other name is nevertheless wrong. The colleague of T. Flamininus in the consulship was Sex. Aelius Paetus (XXXII. viii. 1), while Domitius was consul in 192 B.C. with L. Flamininus (XXXV. x. 10). Titus was named in the corresponding section of the consul's proposals (ix. 10 above), but it is possible that the senate made this particular condition easier by changing the date from 198 B.C. to 192 B.C. eith. Titus was named in the corresponding section of the consul's proposals (ix. 10 above), but it is possible that the senate made this particular condition easier by changing the date from 198 B.C. to 192 B.C. either been conquered by arms or submitted voluntarily to the control of the Roman people, none of these shall the Aetolians essay to recover; the Oeniadae with their city and lands shall belong to the Acarnanians. On these conditions the treaty with the Aetolians was concluded.
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