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A Dictionary of Greek and Roman biography and mythology (ed. William Smith) 42 42 Browse Search
Polybius, Histories 5 5 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 31-34 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. Professor of Latin and Head of the Department of Classics in the University of Pittsburgh) 4 4 Browse Search
Samuel Ball Platner, Thomas Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome 4 4 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 31-34 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. Professor of Latin and Head of the Department of Classics in the University of Pittsburgh) 3 3 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 28-30 (ed. Frank Gardener Moore, Professor Emeritus in Columbia University) 3 3 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 28-30 (ed. Frank Gardener Moore, Professor Emeritus in Columbia University) 2 2 Browse Search
Pliny the Elder, The Natural History (ed. John Bostock, M.D., F.R.S., H.T. Riley, Esq., B.A.) 2 2 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 38-39 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D.) 1 1 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 35-37 (ed. Evan T. Sage, PhD professor of latin and head of the department of classics in the University of Pittsburgh) 1 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 31-34 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. Professor of Latin and Head of the Department of Classics in the University of Pittsburgh). You can also browse the collection for 204 BC or search for 204 BC in all documents.

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Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 31 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. Professor of Latin and Head of the Department of Classics in the University of Pittsburgh), chapter 1 (search)
as if I myself had sharedB.C. 201 the labour and the peril, that I have come to the end of the Punic War. For while it is not at all fitting that one who has ventured to promise to write the whole history of Rome should grow wearied in dealing with the single portions of so great a task, nevertheless, when I reflect that sixty-three years —the space between the outbreak of the First and the end of the Second Punic WarThe dates of the events referred to are, respectively, 267 B.C. and 204 B.C., by Livy's reckoning, or, according to the usual chronology (which is retained in the marginal dates), 264 B.C. and 201 B.C. —have filled as many booksBooks I-XV contained the narrative of the earlier period; Books XVI-XXX covered the First and Second Punic Wars. for me as were required for the four hundred and eighty-seven years from the founding of the city to the consulship of Appius Claudius (who began the first war with the Carthaginians), already I see in my mind's eye tha
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 31 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. Professor of Latin and Head of the Department of Classics in the University of Pittsburgh), chapter 12 (search)
A letter from Quintus Minucius, the praetor in charge of the province of Bruttium, was then read in the senate: money had been stealthily removed at night from the treasure-house of Persephone at Locri, nor were there any clues as to the perpetrators of the crime. The senate was indignant that such sacrileges should continue to be committed, and that even the case of Pleminius,Pleminius, while in command of the garrison at Locri in 204 B.C., had plundered this same temple, and had been severely punished. The story of his sacrilege and its penalty was related in XXIX. xviii-xxii incl. so recent an example of crime and its punishment, did not deter criminals. The consul Gaius Aurelius was directed to communicate to the praetor in Bruttium the senate's desire that the plundering of the treasury should be investigated in the manner adopted by the praetor Marcus PomponiusPomponius, as governor of Sicily, had investigated the charges against Pleminius: cf. the preceding not
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 31 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. Professor of Latin and Head of the Department of Classics in the University of Pittsburgh), chapter 13 (search)
us Minucius and the money replaced in the treasury out of the property of the guilty —and the consuls were on the point of leaving for their provinces, many private citizens, to whom was due this year the third payment on the loans made in the consulship of Marcus Valerius and Marcus Claudius,These citizens, in 210 B.C. (XXVI. xxxvi. 8), loaned money to the state for the prosecution of the war with Hannibal, although from Livy's account they gave rather than loaned the money. In 204 B.C. (XXIX. xvi. 1) an arrangement was made for repayment in three biennial instalments, the third of which would be due in 200 B.C. Nevertheless, a final payment (perhaps to those who did not accept the arrangement described in sects. 6-9 below) was made in 196 B.C. (XXXIII. xlii. 2). appealed to the senate because the consuls had declared that, since the treasury hardly sufficed for the new war, which was to be waged with a great fleet and large armies, there was no money at their command with
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 31 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. Professor of Latin and Head of the Department of Classics in the University of Pittsburgh), chapter 43 (search)
assage. A very few were killed, more wounded, none captured, for it is their way not to leave their ranks rashly, but to fight and give ground in close formation. In this way Philip, by checking two nations with timely attacks, undertaken with boldness not merely successful in the result, had recouped the losses sustained in the Roman war. Then another piece of good fortune diminished the number of his enemies in Aetolia. Scopas,Scopas had been strategus of the Aetolians in 204 B.C., but after a political reverse had gone to Egypt and entered the service of Ptolemy. a prominent man among theB.C. 200 tribe, sent by King Ptolemy from Alexandria with a great quantity of gold, had transported to Egypt six thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry whom he had hired; nor would he have left a single fighting-man of the Aetolians, if Damocritus, now warning them of the present war, now of the future depopulation of the state, had not by his reproofs kept at home a part
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 34 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. Professor of Latin and Head of the Department of Classics in the University of Pittsburgh), chapter 3 (search)
uch a calamity to the state is far away, and may it alwaysB.C. 195 be; but yet, when it did happen, you refused this to their pious prayers.See XXII. lxi. 3, where Livy records the refusal to redeem the Romans captured at Cannae. But it was not affection nor anxiety about their dear ones which had brought them together: it was a religious rite, and they were about to receive the Idaean Mother as she came from Pessinus in Phrygia.The worship of the Magna Mater was imported into Rome in 204 B.C., and the stone which symbolized the goddess was received by the women (XXIX. x. 5; xiv. 10). What pretext, respectable even to mention, is now given for this insurrection of the women? 'That we may glitter with gold and purple,' says one, 'that we may ride in carriages on holidays and ordinary days, that we may be borne through the city as if in triumph over the conquered and vanquished law and over the votes which we have captured and wrested from you; that there may be no limits to
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 34 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. Professor of Latin and Head of the Department of Classics in the University of Pittsburgh), chapter 4 (search)
re was no extravagance to be restrained. As it is necessary that diseases be known before their cures, so passions are born before the laws which keep them within bounds. What provoked the Licinian lawOne clause of the famous law of 367 B.C. limited to five hundred iugera the amount of public land that any individual might hold (VI. xxxv. 5). about the five hundred iugera except the uncontrolled desire of joining field to field? What brought about the Cincian lawBy this law of 204 B.C. advocates were forbidden to charge fees for their services or to circumvent the law by accepting presents from their clients. Among the possible purposes was the desire to relieve the commons of financial and other obligations to the aristocracy. except that the plebeians had already begun to be vassals and tributaries to the senate? And so it is not strange that no Oppian or any other law was needed to limit female extravagance at the time when they spurned gifts of gold and purple volunta
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 34 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. Professor of Latin and Head of the Department of Classics in the University of Pittsburgh), chapter 53 (search)
two years earlier the contract for its construction out of the money received as fines had been let out by the aediles Gaius Scribonius and Gnaeus Domitius, the latter of whom dedicated it while city praetor. Also, Quintus Marcius Ralla, a duumvir created for this purpose, dedicated a temple to Fortuna Primigenia on the Quirinal hill; Publius Sempronius Sophus the consul had vowed this temple ten years before, during the Punic war, and as censor he had let the contract.In 204 B.C. (XXIX. xxxvi. 8) P. Sempronius Tuditanus vowed a temple to this Praenestine divinity. Livy's account contains other difficulties, since Tuditanus was censor before he was consul (in 209 B.C.: XXVII. xi. 7), and no P. Sempronius Sophus is known who was consul and censor during this period. Likewise, on the Island, Gaius Servilius the duumvir dedicated a temple to Jupiter; it had been vowed six years before in the Gallic war by the praetor Lucius Furius Purpurio, and contracted for by t