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Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation 21 21 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 9 9 Browse Search
M. W. MacCallum, Shakespeare's Roman Plays and their Background 7 7 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 5 5 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the Colonization of the United States, Vol. 1, 17th edition. 5 5 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. Volume 4. 1 1 Browse Search
James Russell Lowell, Among my books 1 1 Browse Search
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M. W. MacCallum, Shakespeare's Roman Plays and their Background, Introduction, Chapter 1 (search)
imensions of the original whole, it is unquestionable that they owe their main suggestion and much of their matter to the Cornélie. Since then Garnier, when his powers were still immature, could so effectively adapt these incidental passages, it is not surprising that he should by and by be able to stand alone, and produce plays in which the central interest was more dramatic. Of these we are concerned only with Marc Antoine, which was acted with success at the Hôtel de Bourgogne in 1578, and was printed in the same year. In it Garnier has not altogether freed himself from his former faults. There are otiose personages who are introduced merely to supply general reflections: Diomedes, the secretary, on the pathos of Cleopatra's fall; Philostratus, the philosopher, on the overthrow of the Egyptian monarchy. There is no inter-action of character on character, all the protagonists being so carefully excluded from each other that Octavianus does not meet Antony, Antony does not m
M. W. MacCallum, Shakespeare's Roman Plays and their Background, Introduction, chapter 3 (search)
ay of dedicating books to kings who deceased soon after), and was lamented by Amyot in a simple and heartfelt Latin elegy. But his regrets were quite disinterested, for when Henry III. succeeded in 1574, he showed himself as kind a master, and in 1578 decreed that the Grand Almoner should also be Commander of the Order of the Holy Ghost without being required to give proofs of nobility. Invested with ample revenues and manifold dignities, Amyot for the next eleven years lived a busy and sidition. is a task of years rather than of months. The embassage, despite many difficulties to be overcome, had been a success, and Lord North returned to receive the thanks and favours he deserved. He stood high in the Queen's regard, and in 1578 she honoured him with a visit for a night. He was lavish in his welcome, building, we are told, new kitchens for the occasion; filling them with provisions of all kinds, the oysters alone amounting to one cart load and two horse loads; rifling the
M. W. MacCallum, Shakespeare's Roman Plays and their Background, Antony and Cleopatra, chapter 11 (search)
uth and nothing but the truth, when tested by the investigations of modern scholars. His position and circumstances were not theirs. He took Plutarch's Marcus Antonius as his chief and almost sole authority, resorting possibly for suggestions of situation and phrase to the Senecan tragedies on the same theme, probably for the descriptions of Egypt to Holland's translation of Pliny or Cory's translation of Leo, and almost certainly for many details about Sextus PompeiusSee Appendix D. to the 1578 version of Appian; but always treating the Life not only as his inexhaustible storehouse, but as sufficient guarantee for any statement that it contained. In short he could give the history of the time, not as it was but as Plutarch represented it, and as Plutarch's representation explained itself to an Elizabethan. It is hardly to his discredit if he underestimates Cleopatra's political astuteness, and has no guess of the political projects that recent criticism has ascribed to Antony, for
M. W. MacCallum, Shakespeare's Roman Plays and their Background, part app. c, chapter 1 (search)
is oration, he unfolded before the whole assembly the bloudy garments of the dead, thrust through in many places with their swords, and called the malefactors, cruell and cursed murtherers. With these words he put the people into a fury. （Marcus Antonius.) Shakespeare certainly did not get much of the stuff for Antony's speech from these notices. Appian, on the other hand, gives a much fuller report, which was quite accessible to ordinary readers, for Appian had been published in 1578 by Henrie Bynniman.Under the title: An auncient Historie and exquisite Chronicle of the Romanes warres, both Ciuile and Foren. Written in Greeke by the noble Orator and Historiographer Appian of Alexandria. The English version of the most important passages runs thus: Antony marking how they were affected, did not let it slippe, but toke upon him to make Caesars funeral sermon, as Consul, of a Consul, friend of a friend, and kinsman, of a kinsman (for Antony was partly his kinsman) and
M. W. MacCallum, Shakespeare's Roman Plays and their Background, part app. d, chapter 1 (search)
I do not think there can be any serious doubt about Shakespeare's having consulted the 1578 translation of the Bella Civilia for this play, at any rate for the parts dealing with Sextus Pompeius. The most important passage is the one (A. and C. III. v. 19) which records Antony's indignation at Pompey's death. Now of that death there is no mention at all in the Marcus Antonius of Plutarch; and even in the Octavius Caesar Augustus by Simon Goulard, which was included in the 1583 edition of tarch's Life, and can be considered a debtor to Appian only in the points that are illustrated in my previous extracts. But there are two qualifications I should like to make to this statement. In the first place, I have not seen the 1578 version of Appian, the passages I have quoted being merely transcripts made by my direction. I have had only the original text to work upon, and it is possible that the Tudor Translation might offer verbal coincidences that of course would not sug
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation, A remembrance of advise given to the merchants, touching a voyage for Cola abovesaid. 1578. (search)
A remembrance of advise given to the merchants, touching a voyage for Cola abovesaid. 1578. WHEREAS you require my counsell after what order the voyage for Cola is to be set forth, I answere that I know no better way then hath bene heretofore used, which is after this maner. First of all we have hired the ship by the great, giving so much for the wearing of the tackle and the hull of the shippe, as the ship may be in bignesse : as if shee bee about the burden of an hundred tunnes, we pay fourescore pound, and so after that rate: and thereunto we doe victual the ship our selves, and doe ship all our men our selves, shipping no more men, nor giving them more wages then we should doe if they went of a merchants voyage, for it hath bene a great helpe to our voiage hitherto, to have our men to fish with one boate, & costing us no more charges then it should do, if our men should lie & doe nothing saving the charges of salt, & of lines, which is treble paid for againe. For this last yere pa
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation, The voyage of Thomas Stukeley, wrongfully called Marques of Ireland, into Barbary 1578. Written by Johannes Thomas Freigius in Historia de caede Sebastiani Regis Lusitaniae. (search)
The voyage of Thomas Stukeley, wrongfully called Marques of Ireland, into Barbary 1578. Written by Johannes Thomas Freigius in Historia de caede Sebastiani Regis Lusitaniae.THERE came also to Don Sebastian the King of Portugal 600. Italians, whom the Pope sent under the conduct of the Marques of Irland: who being arrived at Lisbone with three tall ships, proffered his service to the king, and promised to attend upon him in the warres, &c. He divided the whole Armie into 4. squadrons: upon the right wing stood the first squadron, consisting of men lightly armed or skirmishers and of the souldiers of Tangier, Generall of whom was Don Alvaro Perez de Tavara: the left or midle squadron consisted of Germanes and Italians, under the command of the Marques of Irland, &c. cap. 7. Of Noblemen were slaine in this battell (besides Don Sebastian the king) the duke de Avero, the two bishops of Coimbra & of Porto , the Marques of Irland sent by the Pope as his Commissary generall, Christoph
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation, The English Voyages, Navigations, and Discoveries (intended for the finding of a North-west passage) to the North parts of America, to Meta incognita, and the backeside of Gronland , as farre as 72 degrees and 12 minuts: performed first by Sebastian Cabota, and since by Sir Martin Frobisher, and M. John Davis, with the Patents, Discourses, and Advertisements thereto belonging. (search)
ne shore as also on the other. The third and last voyage unto Meta Incognita, made by M. Martin Frobisher, in the yeere 1578. Written by Thomas Ellis. THESE are to let you know, that upon the 25. of May, the Thomas Allen being Viceadmirall whose d the Busse of Bridgewater, wherein James Leech was Master, one of the ships in the last Voyage of Master Martin Frobisher 1578. concerning the discoverie of a great Island in their way homeward the 12. of September. THE Busse of Bridgewater was leftble a voyage. The third voyage of Captaine Frobisher, pretended for the discoverie of Cataia, by Meta Incognita, Anno Do. 1578. THE Generall being returned from the second voyage, immediately after his arrivall in England , repaired with all hast torsley. The sayd fifteene saile of ships arrived and met together at Harwich , the seven and twentieth day of May Anno 1578, where the Generall and the other Captaines made view, and mustred their companies. And every several Captaine received fr
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation, The third and last voyage unto Meta Incognita, made by M. Martin Frobisher, in the yeere 1578. Written by Thomas Ellis. (search)
The third and last voyage unto Meta Incognita, made by M. Martin Frobisher, in the yeere 1578. Written by Thomas Ellis. THESE are to let you know, that upon the 25. of May, the Thomas Allen being Viceadmirall whose Captaine was M. Yorke, M. Gibbes Master, Christopher Hall Pilot, accompanied with the Reareadmiral named the Hopewel, whose Captaine was M. Henrie Carewe, the M. Andrewe Dier, and certaine other ships came to Gravesend , where wee ankred and abode the comming of certaine of our Fleete which were not yet come. The 27. of the same moneth our Fleete being nowe come together, and all things prest in a readinesse, the wind favouring, and tide serving, we being of sailes in number eight, waied ankers and hoised our sailes toward Harwich to meete with our Admirall, and the residue which then and there abode our arrivall: where we safely arrived the 28. thereof, finding there our Admirall, whom we with the discharge of certaine pieces saluted, acording to order and duety, an
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation, The report of Thomas Wiars passenger in the Emanuel, otherwise called the Busse of Bridgewater, wherein James Leech was Master, one of the ships in the last Voyage of Master Martin Frobisher 1578. concerning the discoverie of a great Island in their way homeward the 12. of September. (search)
The report of Thomas Wiars passenger in the Emanuel, otherwise called the Busse of Bridgewater, wherein James Leech was Master, one of the ships in the last Voyage of Master Martin Frobisher 1578. concerning the discoverie of a great Island in their way homeward the 12. of September. THE Busse of Bridgewater was left in Beares sound at Meta incognita, the second day of September behinde the Fleete in some distresse, through much winde, ryding neere the Lee shoare, and forced there to ride it out upon the hazard of her cables and anchors, which were all aground but two. The third of September being fayre weather, and the winde North northwest she set sayle, and departed thence, and fell with Frisland on the 8. day of September at sixe of the clocke at night, and then they set off from the Southwest point of Frisland, the wind being at East, and East Southeast, but that night the winde veared Southerly, and shifted oftentimes that night: but on the tenth day in the morning, the wind at W
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