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setts; but, being still unsuccessful, he again pursued a southerly track, and finally anchored in Old Town harbor, on Martha's Vineyard. The whole absence lasted about six months, and was completed without disaster or danger. Purchas, IV. 1654—1656. Compare Belknap, II. 123—133; Williamson's Maine, i. p. 185—187. Pring, a few years later, 1606. repeated his voyage, and made a more accurate survey of Maine. Enterprises for discovery were now continuous. Bartholomew Gilbert, Purchas, IV. 1656—1658. returning from the West Indies, made an unavailing search for the colony of Raleigh. It was the last attempt to trace the remains of those unfortunate men. But as the testimony of Pring had confirmed the reports of Gosnold, the career of navigation was vigorously pursued. An expedition, pro- 1605. moted by the Earl of Southampton and Lord Arundel, of Wardour, and commanded by George Weymouth, who, in attempting a north-west passage, had already explored the coast of Labrador,
Virginia was whole for monarchy, and the last country, belonging to England, that submitted to obedience of the commonwealth. Hammond's Leah and Rachel, 20; Ed. 1656. But the parliament did not long permit its authority to be denied. Having, by the vigorous energy and fearless enthusiasm of republicanism, triumphed over alsidered contraband, the English restrictions were entirely disregarded. Thurloe, v. 80. Hazard, i. 599—602. A remonstrance, addressed to Cromwell, demanded an 1656. unlimited liberty; and we may suppose that it was not refused; for, some months before Cromwell's death, 1658. Mar. the Virginians invited the Dutch and all forearticularly IV. 211, where the rumor of an intended prohibition of Dutch trade in Virginia is alluded to in a letter from the W. I. Co. to Stuyvesant. That was in 1656, precisely at the time referred to in the rambling complaint in Hazard, i. 600, and still more in the very rare little volume by L. G. Public Good without Private
of Lord Baltimore; on the other, he protected his own political partisans, corresponded with his commissioners, and expressed no displeasure at their exercise of power. Thurloe, i. 724, and IV. 55. Hazard, i. 594, quotes but one of the rescripts. Hammond, 24. The right to the jurisdiction of Maryland remained, Chap. VII.} therefore, a disputed question. Fuller, Preston, and the others, appointed by Clayborne, actually possessed authority; while Lord Baltimore, with the apparent sanc- 1656 July 10. tion of the protector, commissioned McMahon, 211. Josias Fendall to appear as his lieutenant. Fendall had, the preceding year, been engaged in exciting an insurrection, under pretence of instructions from Stone; he now appear- 1657 Sept. ed as an open but unsuccessful insurgent. Little is known of his disturbance, except that it occasioned a heavy public expenditure. Bacon, 1657, c. VIII. Yet the confidence of Lord Baltimore was continued Nov. 18. to Fendall, who receiv
ous perfumes. The rise of the people called Quakers, was one of the most remarkable results of the Protestant revolution. It was a consequence of the moral warfare against corruption; the aspiration of the human mind after a perfect emancipation from the long reign of bigotry and superstition. It grew up with men who were impatient at the slow progress of the reformation, the tardy advances of intellectual liberty. A better opportunity will offer for explaining its influence Chap. X.} 1656. July. on American institutions. It was in the month of July, 1656, that two of its members, Mary Fisher and Ann Austin, arrived in the road before Boston. I compose the narrative from comparing the Quaker accounts, by Gould, and Sewell, and Besse, full of documents, with those of the colonial historians. There is no essential difference. Every leading work has something on the suject.—The apologies of the colonists, especially Norton's book, The Heart of N. E. Rent, still exist, and ar