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springs and copious rivulets, compelled the experienced Chap III.} 1605 mariner to admire the noble river, which is just now beginning to have upon its banks and in its ports the flourishing settlements and active commerce that it is by nature so well adapted to sustain. Five natives were decoyed on board the ship, and Weymouth, returning to England, gave three of them to Sir Ferdinand Gorges, a friend of Raleigh, and governor of Plymouth. Rosier's Virginian Voyage, &c. in Purchas, IV. 1659—1667. Gorges, Brief Narration, c. II. Compare Belknap's Am. Biog. II. 134—150; Williamson's Maine, i. 191—195. Strange with what reckless confidence Oldmixon, i. 219, 220, can blunder! Such were the voyages which led the way to the colonization of the United States. The daring and skill of these earliest adventurers upon the ocean deserve the highest admiration. The difficulties of crossing the Atlantic were new, and it required the greater courage to encounter hazards which ignoran<
s. Hening, i. 504, 505. The death of Cromwell made no change in the 1658. constitution of the colony. The message of the governor duly announced the event to the legislature. See the names of the members, in Hening, v. i. p. 506, 507. 1659. Mar. It has pleased some English historians to ascribe to Virginia a precipitate attachment to Charles II. On the present occasion, the burgesses deliberated in private, and unanimously resolved that Richard Cromwell should be acknowledged. Hector in England would endanger liberty in Virginia. The letter from the council had left the government to be administered according to former usage. The assembly declared itself satisfied with the language. Hening, i. 511. But, Chap. VI.} 1659. that there might be no reason to question the existing usage, the governor was summoned to come to the house; where he appeared in person, deliberately acknowledged the supreme power of electing officers to be, by the present laws, resident in th
the rights of the body claiming to be an upper house. In Virginia, Berkeley yielded to the public will; in Maryland, Fendall permitted the power of the people to be proclaimed. The representatives of Maryland, having thus successfully settled the government, and hoping for tranquillity after years of storms, passed an act, making it felony to disturb the order which they had established. No authority would henceforward be recognized, except the assembly, and the king of England. Bacon, 1659-60. McMahon, 212. Chalmers, 224, 225. Griffith, 18. Ebeling, v. 709. The German historian is remarkably temperate. All others have been unjust to the legislature of Maryland. The light of peace .promised to dawn upon the province. Thus was Maryland, like Virginia, at the epoch of Chap. VII.} 1660 the restoration, in full possession of liberty, based upon the practical assertion of the sovereignty of the people. Like Virginia, it had so nearly completed its institutions, that, till
her Paul; the whole carnage amounted, says Grotius, Sarpi, Istoria del Concil. Trid. L. v. Opere, v. II. p. 33. E contutto, che il numero nea Paesi Bassi tra impiccati, decapitati, sepolti vivi, ed abbruciati aggiugnesse a cinquantamila. Annales, p. 12, ed. 1678. Carnificata hominum non minus centum millia. to not less than one hundred thousand. America was guilty of the death of four individuals; and they fell victims rather to the contest of will, than to the opinion that Chap. X.} 1659. Sept. Quakerism was a capital crime. Of four persons, ordered to depart the jurisdiction on pain of death, Mary Dyar, a firm disciple of Ann Hutchinson, whose exile she had shared, and Nicholas Davis, obeyed. Marmaduke Stephenson and William Robinson had come on purpose to offer their lives; instead of departing, they went from place to place to build up their friends in the faith. In October, Mary Dyar returned. Thus there were three persons arraigned on the sanguinary law. Robinson p