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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 228 228 Browse Search
George P. Rowell and Company's American Newspaper Directory, containing accurate lists of all the newspapers and periodicals published in the United States and territories, and the dominion of Canada, and British Colonies of North America., together with a description of the towns and cities in which they are published. (ed. George P. Rowell and company) 40 40 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1 32 32 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 29 29 Browse Search
Benjamin Cutter, William R. Cutter, History of the town of Arlington, Massachusetts, ormerly the second precinct in Cambridge, or District of Menotomy, afterward the town of West Cambridge. 1635-1879 with a genealogical register of the inhabitants of the precinct. 24 24 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 18 18 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 18 18 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 17 17 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 14 14 Browse Search
The Cambridge of eighteen hundred and ninety-six: a picture of the city and its industries fifty years after its incorporation (ed. Arthur Gilman) 9 9 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for 1828 AD or search for 1828 AD in all documents.

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y of the electoral votes for President, but failing of success in the House. In 1828, their names were placed on the same ticket, and they were triumphantly elected osition, adopted and put forth by the Legislature of his State near the close of 1828. The doctrines therein affirmed were those propounded by Hayne and refuted by Webster in the great debate already noticed. The Tariff of 1828--the highest and most protective ever adopted in this country — was passed by a Jackson Congress, of hostile not long after their joint election as President and Vice-President, in 1828. Mr. Calhoun's sanguine hopes of succeeding to the Presidency had been blasted. sharing in Jackson's second and most decided triumph. And, though the Tariff of 1828 had been essentially modified during the preceding session of Congress, South Ca Puritan aspirants to the Presidency. General Jackson was chosen President in 1828, receiving more than two-thirds of the Electoral votes, including those of all t
ed among his friends. In that hour of intense affliction, he renewed his solemn vow to devote his entire energies to the cause of the slave, and to efforts designed to awaken his countrymen to a sense of their responsibility and their danger. In 1828, he traveled eastward, lecturing and soliciting subscribers to his Genius, and calling, in New York, on Arthur Tappan, William Goodell, and other anti-Slavery men. At Boston, he could hear of no Abolitionists, but made the acquaintance, at his boan a slow old town, and his enterprise soon proved unsuccessful. He migrated to Boston, worked a few months as a journeyman printer, and then became editor of The National Philanthropist, an organ of the Temperance movement. He left this early in 1828, to become editor, at Bennington, Vermont, of The Journal of the Times, a National Republican gazette, and about the ablest and most interesting newspaper ever issued in that State. Though earnestly devoted to the reelection of John Quincy Adams,
hodox, irreverent, and infidel tendencies which have been so freely, and not always unreasonably, ascribed to the apostles of Abolition. These have justly felt that the organized and recognized religion of the country has not treated their cause as it deserved and as they had a right to expect. The pioneers of modern Abolition were almost uniformly devout, pious, church-nurtured men, who, at the outset of their enterprise, took the cause of the slave Witness Lundy and Garrison at Boston, 1828. to the Clergy and the Church, with undoubting faith that it would there be recognized and by them adopted as the cause of vital Christianity. Speaking generally, they were repulsed and resisted, quite as much to their astonishment as their mortification; and the resulting estrangement and hostility were proportioned to the fullness of their trust, the bitterness of their disappointment. Alas! they had been friends in youth; But whispering tongues can poison truth, And constancy lives i
uccess in the acquisition of knowledge. He graduated with high honors at Waterville College, Maine, in September, 1826. In May following, he turned his face westward, and in the autumn of that year found employment as a teacher in St. Louis. In 1828, he became editor of a political journal, of the National Republican faith, and was thence actively engaged in politics of the Clay and Webster school, until January, 1832, when he was brought under deep religious impressions, and the next month uict, or, at least, of the Slave-Trade so flourishing therein, had been from time immemorial presented to Congress, and treated with no more disrespect or disregard than petitions to legislative bodies usually encounter. One of these, presented in 1828, was signed by United States District Judge Cranch, and about one thousand more of the most respectable citizens of the District; but, while it was treated decorously, no decisive step was taken toward compliance with its prayer. As the distincti
partisans of Abolition. The Presidential canvass of 1844 had been not only the most arduous but the most equal of any that the country had ever known, with the possible exception of that of 1800. The election of Madison in 1812, of Jackson in 1828, and of Harrison in 1840, had probably been contested with equal spirit and energy; but the disparity of forces in either case was, to the intelligent, impartial observer, quite obvious. In the contest of 1844, on the contrary, the battle raged wn was renewed through our next Minister, Mr. James Barbour, the British Minister conclusively replied that the law of Parliament gives freedom to every slave who effects his landing on British ground. Yet a Democratic House of Representatives, in 1828, (May 10), requested the President To open a negotiation with the British Government, in the view to obtain an arrangement, whereby fugitive slaves, who have taken refuge in the Canadian provinces of that Government, may be surrendered by the
s speech is memorable not merely for its gross misapprehension of the grounds and motives of the Republican movement — representing its purposes as violent, aggressive, and sectional, when they date back to 1784, and trace their paternity to Jefferson, a Southron and a slaveholder — but because this was the first declaration by a Northern statesman of mark that the success of the Republicans would not only incite, but justify, a Southern rebellion. The facts that the National Republicans, in 1828, supported John Q. Adams and Richard Rush — both from Free States--while their antagonists supported Andrew Jackson and John C. Calhoun, both slaveholders, and thus secured nearly every elector from the Slave States, are conveniently ignored by Mr. Fillmore. The Presidential contest of 1856 was ardent and animated up to the October elections wherein the States of Pennsylvania and Indiana were carried by the Democrats, rendering the election of Buchanan and Breckinridge a moral certainty. <
Iverson, Alf., of Ga., fire-eating speech of, 373. J. Jackson, Andrew, contrasted with Calhoun; their early life; are chosen President and Vice-President, in 1828, etc., 88-9; he advocates the Protective system, 89; is reflected in 1832, 93; his orders to Gen. Scott and instructions to the Collector of Charleston, 94; is strtisfaction with the Compromise Tariff, etc., 101; writes to a friend his opinion thereon, 102; negotiates a treaty with the Cherokees in 1817, 102; his election in 1828; he ignores the rights of the Indians; extract from his Message, 104; his duplicity with the Indians, 105; permits Georgia to defy the U. S. Court decree, 106; his Van Buren, John, on Fugitive Slave Act, 213. Van Buren, Martin, influences causing his defeat in the Baltimore Convention of 1844, 69: supports the Tariff of 1828, 91: supplants Calhoun as Vice-President in 1832. 93; allusion to, 130; makes an offer to Mexico for Texas, 149; his reply to Gen. Hunt, 151; is beaten by Gen. Har