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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 282 282 Browse Search
George P. Rowell and Company's American Newspaper Directory, containing accurate lists of all the newspapers and periodicals published in the United States and territories, and the dominion of Canada, and British Colonies of North America., together with a description of the towns and cities in which they are published. (ed. George P. Rowell and company) 118 118 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 48 48 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 45 45 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 32 32 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 30 30 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 24 24 Browse Search
Benjamin Cutter, William R. Cutter, History of the town of Arlington, Massachusetts, ormerly the second precinct in Cambridge, or District of Menotomy, afterward the town of West Cambridge. 1635-1879 with a genealogical register of the inhabitants of the precinct. 24 24 Browse Search
Brigadier-General Ellison Capers, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 5, South Carolina (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 20 20 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 17 17 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for 1848 AD or search for 1848 AD in all documents.

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ting with the entire South to lay on the table; all the Whigs and a large majority of the Democrats from Free States against it. Peace with Mexico having been made, By the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, February, a bill providing a Territorial 1848. Government for Oregon being before Congress at this session, and referred in the Senate to a Select Committee, Mr. John M. Clayton, of Delaware, from that Committee, reported it with amendments establishing Territorial Governments also for New Me the Court was then constituted, there was little room for doubt that its award would have been favorable to Slavery Extension; hence this vote. Mr. Clayton's Compromise, thus defeated, was never revived. The Democratic National Convention for 1848 assembled at Baltimore on the 22d of May. Gen. Lewis Cass, of Michigan, received 125 votes for President on the first ballot, to 55 for James Buchanan, 53 for Levi Woodbury, 9 for John C. Calhoun, 6 for Gen. Worth, and 3 for Geo. M. Dallas. On th
calculated, decisively, to alienate either the champions or the opponents of Slavery Restriction. It is among the traditions of the canvass that he, some time in 1848, received a letter from a planter running thus: Sir: I have worked hard and been frugal all my life, and the results of my industry have mainly taken the form of sFree States been so decidedly and strongly hostile to the Extension of Slavery, and so determined in requiring its inhibition by Congress, as during the canvass of 1848. Among the results of that canvass was — as we have seen — a temporary alienation of many Northern Democrats from their former devotion to Southern ideas and dowell (Democrat), as Governor, and Charles Sumner (Free Soil), as Senator. In New York, a fusion was with difficulty effected (in 1849) of the parties which had in 1848 supported Van Buren and Cass respectively — the nominal basis of agreement being a resolve The last Convention of the Cass Democrats, or Hunkers, which was held<
from which such citizens emigrated, and in derogation of that perfect equality which belongs to them as members of this Union, and would tend directly to subvert the Union itself. The resolve submitted to the Democratic National Convention of 1848, by Mr. William L. Yancey, and unceremoniously rejected by it, 216 to 36, as will have been seen See page 192.--sets forth the same doctrine more concisely and abruptly. Col. Benton, himself a life-long slaveholder and upholder of Slavery, tother Slave State, but must take the law which he finds there, and have his property governed by it; and, in some instances, wholly changed by it, and rights lost, or acquired, by the change. To the same effect, Mr. Webster, when resisting, in 1848, the attempt, on a bill organizing the Territory of Oregon, to fasten a rider extending the Slave line of 36° 30′ to the Pacific, refuted this doctrine as follows: The Southern Senators say we deprive them of the right to go into these newly a
ily, officiously opposed such revolution; and, while refusing, so early as 1825, to guarantee the possession of that island to Spain, and informally giving notice that we would never consent to its transfer to any more formidable power, seemed entirely satisfied with, and anxious for, its retention by Spain as her most precious and valued dependency-- The Queen of the Antilles. But, at length, having reannexed Texas, the Slave Power fixed covetous eyes on this fertile, prolific island. In 1848, our Minister, under instructions from President Polk, made an offer of $100,000,000 for it, which was peremptorily, conclusively rejected. Directly thereafter, the South became agitated by fillibustering plots for the invasion and conquest of that island, wherein real or pretended Cubans by nativity were prominent as leaders. President Taylor was hardly warm in the White House before he was made aware that these schemes were on the point of realization, and compelled to issue his proclamat
ge of a comma, affirming and emphasizing the worst points of the Dred Scott decision, and asserting as vital truths propositions which even the Southern Democracy voted down when first presented to a Democratic National Convention by Mr. Yancey in 1848, were now adopted by the United States Senate as necessary deductions from the fundamental law of the land. The Democratic National Convention of 1856 had decided that its successor should meet at Charleston, S. C., which it accordingly did, oracy, it was a distinct, well-established party, which had a definitive existence, and at least a semblance of organization in every Slave State but South Carolina. It had polled a majority of the Southern vote for Harrison in 1840, for Taylor in 1848, had just polled nearly forty per cent. of that vote for Bell, and might boast its full share of the property, and more than its share of the intelligence and respectability, of the South. This party had but to be courageously faithful to its car
acquired by us from Mexico, with all that may be acquired hereafter, so much as lies south of the parallel 36° 30′, shall be absolutely surrendered and guaranteed to Slavery. But this very proposition was made, on behalf of the South, by Gen. Burt, of S. C., in 1847, and was then defeated by the decisive vote of 114 to 82--not one Whig, and but four Democrats, from the Free States, sustaining it. See pages 196-7. It was defeated again in the next Congress, when proposed by Mr. Douglas, in 1848: Yeas 82; Nays 121; only three Democrats and no Whig from Free States sustaining it. See pages 197-8. The Republican party was now required, in the year 1861, to assent to a partition of the territories, and an establishment of Slavery therein, which both the Whig and the Democratic parties of the Free States had repeatedly, and all but unanimously, rejected before there was any Republican party. Thus the North, under the lead of the Republicans, was required to make, on pain of civil war
James, 94; presents an Abolition petition to Congress, 144; in the Convention of 1848, 191 ; 222; nominated for President, 246; elected, 248; appoints R. J. Walker Gowith regard to Annexation, 169 to 171; 175; 188; in the Democratic Convention of 1848, 191; 194; 248, his opinions compared with the Dred Scott decision, 259; 265; Rel canvass, 168; his instructions to Mr. Gallatin, 176; in the Whig Convention of 1848, 192; his Compromise of 1850, 203; replies to Jeff. Davis, 205; reports a bill oaten at, 591. Free Press, The, 115. Free-Soilers, the, their Convention of 1848, 191; their Platform, 192; Convention of 1852, 223. Free-State Hotel, at Lawrarge at St. Louis, 134. Lawrence, Abbott, of Mass., in the Whig Convention of 1848, 192. Lawrence. Kansas, the founding of, 236; illegal voting at, 238; beleagu 250. Y. Yancey, Wm. L., his non-interference resolve in the Convention of 1848, 192; allusion to, 259; withdraws from the Charleston Convention, 314. Yates,