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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 320 320 Browse Search
George P. Rowell and Company's American Newspaper Directory, containing accurate lists of all the newspapers and periodicals published in the United States and territories, and the dominion of Canada, and British Colonies of North America., together with a description of the towns and cities in which they are published. (ed. George P. Rowell and company) 206 206 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 68 68 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 46 46 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 34 34 Browse Search
Brigadier-General Ellison Capers, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 5, South Carolina (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 32 32 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 1 22 22 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Harvard Memorial Biographies 21 21 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 2 20 20 Browse Search
Maj. Jed. Hotchkiss, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 3, Virginia (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 18 18 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for 1857 AD or search for 1857 AD in all documents.

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ssee, was associated with him as Secretary. Meantime, the double-headed action in Kansas proceeding, an immense majority of the settlers, though prevented by Federal force from effecting such an organization as they desired, utterly refused to recognize the Legislature chosen by the Missouri invaders, or the officers thereby appointed: consequently, each party held its own conventions and elections independent of the other. The pro-Slavery Legislature called a Constitutional Convention in 1857, which met at Lecompton on the first Monday of September. That Convention proceeded, of course, to form a pro-Slavery Constitution, which they pretended to submit to the people at an election held on the 21st of December following. But at this remarkable election, held expressly to ratify or reject a State Constitution, no one was allowed to vote against that Constitution. The vote was to be taken For the Constitution with Slavery or For the Constitution without Slavery --no others to be a
in furnishing beef cattle to our forces on the northern frontier; and his son, John, then twelve to fourteen years of age, accompanied him as a cattle-driver, and, in that capacity, witnessed Hull's surrender at Detroit, in 1812. He was so disgusted with what he saw of military life that he utterly refused, when of suitable age, to train or drill in the militia, but paid fines or evaded service during his entire liability to military duty. In an autobiographical fragment, written by him in 1857, for a child who had evinced a deep interest in his Kansas efforts, speaking of himself in the third person, he says: During the war with England, a circumstance occurred that in the end made him a most determined Abolitionist, and led him to declare, or swear, eternal war with Slavery. He was staying, for a short time, with a very gentlemanly landlord, once a United States Marshal, who held a slave-boy near his own age, active, intelligent, and good-feeling, and to whom John was under c
Xxi. The Presidential canvass of 1860. State elections of 1857-8-9 Lincoln versus Douglas Gov. Seward's Irrepressible conflict Slavery legally established in New Mexico--Helper's impending crisis in Congress — defeats John Sherman for Speaker Pennington chosen Jeff. Davis's New Democratic platform the National Democratic Convention at Charleston Splits on a platform the fragments adjourn to Baltimore and Richmond Douglas and Fitzpatrick nominated by the larger fraction Brec the House — did not tend to allay. Of Fremont's aggregate vote--1,341,812--it is probable that all above 1,200,000 was given him on grounds personal to himself, or from impulses growing out of the Sumner outrage. Accordingly, the elections of 1857 exhibited a diminution of Republican strength — the eleven States which had voted for Fremont, giving him an aggregate popular majority of over 250,000, now giving but little over 50,000 for the Republican tickets. All the New England States were<
e to great prosperity; until now the imagination sinks in the effort to contemplate that glorious future on whose very threshold our feet have stood. Can it be that madness and fanaticism — can it be that selfishness and sectionalism — are about to destroy this noblest form of government, freighted as it is with the highest hopes of humanity? (Loud cheers.) Mr. Isaac Hazlehurst closed the discussion in a far manlier spirit. Himself a Conservative, the American candidate for Governor in 1857, he had no palinode to offer for Northern fanaticism, and no thought of crouching to Southern treason. On the contrary, he spoke, with singular and manly directness, as follows: Fellow-citizens, it is no time for party, because there are no party questions to be discussed. We are here for the purpose of endeavoring to preserve the Union of these States. The American Union was made perfect by the people of these States, and by the people of these States it is to be maintained and preser
s and rights to the incessant exactions of the Slave Power; though her ruling politicians and presses were usually held in subjection to the dominant interest by the preponderating power of the East. Her people had but to look across the Ohio, whereto their streams tended and their surplus produce was sent, to convince them that their connection with the Old Dominion was unfortunate and injurious. Ten years prior to this, Muscoe R. H. Garnett, Democratic representative in Congress from 1857 to 1861; since then, in the Rebel Congress. a leading politician of Old Virginia, writing privately to his friend and compatriot, William H. Trescott, Assistant Sec'ry of State under Buchanan. of South Carolina, who had sounded him with regard to the aid to be expected from Virginia, in case South Carolina should then secede from the Union, had responded Richmond, May 3, 1851. as follows: I believe thoroughly in our own theories, and that, if Charleston did not grow quite so fast in
ords the reception of the report, which had meantime been printed, and had excited some feeling among the slaveholders. Ii. New school Presbyterians condemn the institution. The statement on page 120, respecting the attitude of the New School Presbyterian Church toward Slavery, is held by members of that Church to require qualification, in view of its more recent action on the subject. The material facts are as follows: At the session of the General Assembly at Cleveland, Ohio, for 1857, a report on Slavery of the Committee on Bills and Overtures, after having been debated with great animation for the better part of a week, was finally adopted (June 3d), by the decisive majority of 169 yeas to 26 nays. This report is largely devoted to a recital of the former testimonies of the Presbyterian Church on the general subject, and is leveled at the new Southern doctrine that Slavery is essentially beneficent and just — a doctrine notoriously at variance with that originally maint