hide Matching Documents

The documents where this entity occurs most often are shown below. Click on a document to open it.

Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
William Schouler, A history of Massachusetts in the Civil War: Volume 2 691 691 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 382 382 Browse Search
George P. Rowell and Company's American Newspaper Directory, containing accurate lists of all the newspapers and periodicals published in the United States and territories, and the dominion of Canada, and British Colonies of North America., together with a description of the towns and cities in which they are published. (ed. George P. Rowell and company) 218 218 Browse Search
Brigadier-General Ellison Capers, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 5, South Carolina (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 96 96 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 74 74 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 68 68 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 58 58 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 56 56 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 54 54 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 49 49 Browse Search
View all matching documents...

Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for 1860 AD or search for 1860 AD in all documents.

Your search returned 74 results in 17 document sections:

1 2
by this Census, amounted in value to One Thousand Nine Hundred Millions--an increase of forty-five per cent. within ten years. Our Exports, for the year ending in 1860, amounted to a little more than Four Hundred Millions of dollars, whereof all but Twenty-seven Millions were of domestic production. Our Imports were a little ove that the Real and Personal Estate of our people, which in 1850 was returned as of the aggregate value of a little over Seven Thousand Millions of dollars, was, in 1860, returned as worth over Sixteen Thousand Millions--an increase in ten years of more than one hundred and twenty-five per cent. It is quite probable that both theseoth these aggregates are largely under the truth; but, conceding their accuracy, it is perfectly safe to assume that Fifteen of the Sixteen Thousand Millions of property returned in 1860 had been created and thrift of our people during the world by the industry, enterprise, and added to the wealth of the eighty preceding years.
t would sometimes seem that the demand had been exceeded; and two or three great commercial convulsions gave warning that even the capacity of the world's steadily expanding markets could be over-estimated and surpassed by the producers of Cotton and its various fabrics. But two years at most sufficed to clear off the surplus and enlarge this steadily growing demand up to the full measure of the momentarily checked production. The five millions of bales, produced by the United States in 1859-60, were sold as readily and quickly as the one million bales produced in 1830-31, and at considerably higher prices per pound. But the relatively frigid climate and superficially exhausted soil of Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina--wherein the greater number of slaves were originally held — were poorly, or not at all, adapted to the production of cotton, whereof slave-labor early claimed, and succeeded in substantially maintaining, a monopoly. No other out-door work afforded such consta
urchasing of slaves in 1766; urgently recommended manumission in 1773; yet, so late as 1787, its annual reports stated that some members still held slaves. But it is understood that Slavery and Quakerism, throughout the South, had very little communion or sympathy after the Revolution, and were gradually and finally divorced so early as 1800. Hence, as Slavery grew stronger and more intolerant there, Quakerism gradually faded out; so that its adherents were probably fewer in that section in 1860 than they had been eighty years before. Of other religious denominations, none of the more important and popular, which date back to the earlier periods of our colonial history, can show even so fair a record as the above. By the Roman Catholics and Protestant Episcopalians, generally, Slaveholding has never been, and is not yet, considered inconsistent with piety, and a blameless, exemplary, Christian life. Individuals in these, as in other communions, have conspicuously condemned and e
added to the State of Missouri, forming in due time the fertile and populous counties of Platte, Buchanan, Andrew, Holt, Nodaway, and Atchison, which contained in 1860 70,505 inhabitants, of whom 6,699 were slaves. This conversion of Free into Slave territory, in palpable violation of the Missouri Compromise, was effected so dexd in a ravine near the town. They held a meeting the night before the election at the tent of Claiborne F. Jackson. Democratic Governor of Missouri, elected in 1860; died a Rebel refugee in Arkansas, 1862. Finding that they had more men than were needed to carry the Lawrence district, they dispatched companies of one to two hubefore, when her population and every other element of strength and stability were considerably less. She was thus denied a voice in the election for President in 1860. At the next session of Congress, however, her application was renewed; and on the same day January 21, 1861. that Messrs. Jefferson Davis, Clement C. Clay, Fi
Xix. Our foreign policy—Cuba. Treaty with France Washington Jefferson the Monroe doctrine the Panama Congress secret intrigues for the acquisition of Cuba Edward Evereft on the proposition of France and England for a triplicate guarantee of Cuba to Spain the Ostend Manifesto William Walker and the regeneration of Central America Mr. Buchanan on Cuba Democratic National resolve of 1860 respecting Cuba. the foundations of our foreign policy were firmly and strongly laid during the Presidency, and under the councils, of Washington. To mind our own business, and leave other nations to manage their affairs, and to preserve, recast, or modify their respective governments, as to them shall seem fit and advantageous — to regard the rule actually established and operative in any nation as the rightful government of that nation, however widely divergent it may be from our own notions of what is wisest and most beneficent: such are its great cardinal principles. To Was
of Battles; he admired Nat Turner, the negro patriot, equally with George Washington, the white American deliverer. He could not see that it was heroic to fight against a petty tax on tea, and war seven long years for a political principle, yet wrong to restore, by force of arms, to an outraged race, the rights with which their Maker had endowed them, but of which the South, for two centuries, had robbed them. The old man distrusted the Republican leaders. He thought that their success in 1860 would be a serious check to the cause he loved. The Republicans of 1858 will be the Democrats of 1860--a pithy prophecy, found among the manuscripts at Harper's Ferry — is a brief and clear statement of John Brown's ideas. His reason was that the people had confidence in these leaders, and would believe that, by their action in Congress, they would peacefully and speedily abolish Slavery. That the people would be deceived — that the Republicans would become as conservative of Slavery as t
Xxi. The Presidential canvass of 1860. State elections of 1857-8-9 Lincoln versus Douglas Gov. Seward's Irrepressible conflict Slavery legally established in New Mexico--Helper's impendince chosen but two, being entitled to no more — in fact, hardly to so many — under the Census of 1860. Representatives the already invincible strength of the Democracy. The Opposition was utterly this balance-of-power movement of the Americans was fore-shadowed the Fusion electoral tickets of 1860. The indignant, scornful rhetoric wherewith Mr. Webster had scouted the suggestion, that SlaveU. S. Senator from that State; elected over Gov. Chase in 1853-4; succeeded by him in turn in 1859-60; since, a candidate for Lieut. Governor, under Vallandigham, in 1863.--in the Charleston Conventioct that the side on which God is has always at last the majority. The early State Elections of 1860 had not been favorable to the Republicans. They had begun by carrying New Hampshire by 4,443--a
ng the first Monday in November. This fell, in 1860, on the 6th of the month; and it was known, bef had good reason for calling the Legislature of 1860 to meet in advance of the regular day. It met, to carry even Maryland for him against Bell, in 1860. And now, the readiness to back South Carolinake their State out of the Union at the close of 1860. He did refuse to call the Legislature, or a Ccipline, had supported Douglas for President in 1860, and thereby thrown himself into a very lean mi--conspicuously in her August State Election of 1860, and again in choosing Bell Electors, and givinspeaking at Norfolk, Va., during the canvass of 1860. frankly declared that, should Lincoln be choseever against any further connection Early in 1860, an eminent New York lawyer visited Charleston t were as follows: States.Free Population in 1860.Slaves.Total. South Carolina301,271402,541703,, were as follows: States.Free Population in 1860.Slaves.Total. Arkansas324,323111,104435,427 D[1 more...]
plete, unresisted sway over the Union, rather than for utter and final escape from it. Whoever has carefully considered the platforms and the action of the respective parties which confronted each other during the canvass and in the election of 1860, must realize that Secession could be met in but one of four ways: 1. By substantial acquiescence in the movement, and in its proposed result. 2. By proffering such new concessions and guarantees to Slavery as should induce the conspirators nionists as an assurance that they had only to ask, and they would receive — that the North would gladly do anything, assent to anything, retract anything, to avert the impending shock of war. For the great mails, during the last few weeks of 1860, sped southward, burdened with letters of sympathy and encouragement to the engineers of Secession, stimulating if not counseling them to go forward in their predetermined course. A very few of the writers indorsed Secession as a right, and favor
ervative politicans who united on the Crittenden Compromise, and clamored for its adoption, had had control of Congress and the Federal Executive through seven-eighths of our past national history. If this were the true panacea for our troubles respecting Slavery, why had they not applied it long ago? Why not adopt it under Polk or Fillmore, Pierce or Buchanan, without waiting to the last sands of their departing power? Why not unite upon it as their platform in the Presidential contest of 1860? Why call upon the Republicans to help them do, after forty years of controversy, what they might themselves have done, without help, almost any time during those forty years? Why repudiate, against the most urgent remonstrances, in 1854, a compromise which, so far as it went, was substantially identical with this, and now ask those whom they then overbore to unite with them in ratifying another and a worse, in 1861? II. The Conservatives, so called, were still able to establish this Cri
1 2