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John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 2: the Abolitionists — who and what they were (search)
hrew away their votes-so it was charged — in a third party movement that seemed to be a hopeless venture. Another inducement to the writer to take up the cause of the Abolitionists is the fact that he has always been proud to class himself as one of them. He came into the world before Abolitionism, by that name, had been heard of; before the first Abolition Society was organized; before William Lloyd Garrison founded his Liberator, and before (not the least important circumstance) John Quincy Adams entered Congress. He cannot remember when the slavery question was not discussed. His sympathies at an early day went out to the slave. He informed himself on the subject as well as a farmer boy might be expected to do in a household that received the most of its knowledge of current events from the columns of one weekly newspaper. He cast his first vote for the ticket of the Abolitionists while they were yet a third party. The community in which he then lived, although in the f
I do expect it to cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other thing. The same opinion had been enunciated several years before by John Quincy Adams on the floor of Congress, when, with his accustomed pungency, he declared, The Union will fall before slavery or slavery will fall before the Union. But before either Adams or Lincoln spoke on the subject-away back in 1838-the same idea they expressed had a more elaborate and forcible presentation in the following words: The conflict is becoming — has become — not alone of freedom for the blacks, but of freedom for the whites. It has now become absolutely necessary that slavty party, candidate for the Presidency, and of whose career a brief sketch is elsewhere given. That the slaveholders reached the same conclusion that Birney and Adams and Lincoln announced, viz., that the country was to be all one thing or all the other thing, is as manifest as any fact in our history. It is equally certain tha
his country, I should unhesitatingly say John Quincy Adams. By the great majority of those now living Mr. Adams is known only as having once been President of the United States and as belonging tt can justly be said that for many years John Quincy Adams, individually and practically alone, by gradually extended its conflagration. When Adams entered Congress opposition to slavery was at exception. It was at that crisis that John Quincy Adams entered Congress and began a fight again discharge of his duties. The position of Mr. Adams, who had been elected as an independent canded the force and grandeur of the philippics of Adams against American slavery. Alone, for the grearoceedings by offering a resolution charging Mr. Adams with treasonable conduct and directing his eout to engage in a controversial debate with Mr. Adams, Then may the Lord have mercy on him. Mr.Mr. Adams was not expelled. His opponents frankly admitted their discomfiture and dropped the whole b[3 more...]
the slavery question to find them. That furnished the greatest occasion, being with its ramifications and developments, by far the greatest issue with which Americans have had to deal. The three speeches to which the writer refers were the more notable because they were altogether impromptu. They were what we call off hand. They were delivered in the face of mobs or other bitterly hostile audiences — a circumstance that probably contributed not a little to their effectiveness. John Quincy Adams, who was unquestionably one of the greatest of American orators, made several speeches in Congress that will always command our highest admiration; but the one to which a somewhat extended reference is made in another chapter, when an attempt was made by the slaveholders to expel him from that body, easily ranks among the first three exhibitions of American eloquence. I quite agree with Mr. Curtis in giving the Faneuil Hall speech of Wendell Phillips a pre-eminent place. A meeting
very mobbing, 9; voting strength, 9; organization, 10; lecturers, 111; stump orators, 11; newspapers, 11; preparatory work, 12; hostility to Union, 13; disloyalty, 13; treason, 13; place in history, 5; Quakers, 16; physical courage, 16; unselfishness of, 16; motives, 18; persecution of, 20; feelings against, 22; hopefulness of, 26; first presidential ticket, 28; prejudice against, 30; abuse by gentlemen, 32; women, 38; preliminary victory of, 47; denunciation of early, 49; leaders, 186-198. Adams, John Quincy, 21, 41; attempted expulsion of, from Congress, 69-71; speech in his own defense in Congress, 89. Altee, Edward P., 203. Altee, Edwin A., 203. Amalgamation, 35. Anderson Bill, 165. Andrew, Governor, of Massachusetts, Peleg's Life of, 179. Anthony, Susan B., 102, 205. Anti-Slavery, causes, 2; matter excluded from United States mails, 4; formation of party, 13; pioneers, 49-58; lecturers, 76-78; orators, 88-93; women, 100-107; mobs, 008-1 2; in Haverhill, 108; in Nantucket,