urge in once more.
The devastated regions will be reclaimed and reanimated — in spots, of course, and irregularly as is Nature's wont.
The great, heroic impulse of that war is not really lost.
It lies invisibly planted in our hearts, and especially in the hearts of the younger generation, who will never know from how many old shibboleths and cramping views they have been liberated by having taken part in something that was universal.
Our own past will assume fresh aspects in our eyes.
Americans will come to see their own history in a more normal perspective than they did formerly.
The fog of self-consciousness that has hung above our Anti-slavery period will be dissipated in the minds of our historians, and we shall see Garrison as one of our greatest heroes — a man born to a task as large as his country's destiny, who turned the tide of his age, and left an imprint of his mind and character upon us, as certain and as visible as the imprint left upon us by Washington himself.
uth of a natural spring.
All this while something had been left out in all the nation's political and social philosophy — something which policy forbade men to search for, and this something was beginning to move in the pit of the stomach of Americans, and to make them feel exceedingly and vaguely ill. In order to bind the Colonies into a more lasting union, a certain suppression of truth, a certain trampling upon instinct had been resorted to in the Constitution.
All the parties to that iich constituted the Holy Land of the Slave Dispensation — endured a silent exodus and migration on the part of the more liberal spirits.
Men even went to New Orleans to escape the tyranny of slave opinion at Charleston.
Thus were the souls of Americans squeezed and their tempers made acid.
A slightly too ready responsiveness to stimulus of any kind came to be the mark of the American, whether at the North or at the South; the difference being that the too ready response at the South was apt
figure during the next thousand years--that the hamlet waits to celebrate its patron saint?
Had Prudence Crandall lived in the time of Diocletian, or in the time of Savonarola, or in the time of Garibaldi, she would have had a shrine to which Americans would have flocked today.
Not without immense influence was the stand she made.
It cost two years of struggle, during which the Slave Power, as we have seen, passed such bills to suppress her as, in the rebound, weakened its hold on the peop these Anti-slavery scenes.
My shelves are lined with books about Saint Francis of Assisi; my walls are papered with photographs of men of genius in Florence, and of saints in Sienna.
I desire also to remember the saints of New England.
We Americans are digging for art and for intellect in Troy, in Sardis and in Egypt.
Let us sometimes also dig in the old records of our own towns; and, while doing so, let us pray that mind be given us to understand what we bring to light.
In the year
ne who is not a close student of our conditions.
He must remember the Border States.
Here was a war over slavery which had been visibly brewing for more than a lifetime.
The Anti-slavery party comes into power; the Slave States revolt and the question is whether the Government shall prosecute a war and extinguish slavery — or not. This is the way in which the educated foreigner viewed the matter, and he was right.
There were, however, in the Northern and Border States, many educated Americans who had from their cradles been taught to regard slavery as a thing almost sacred — a thing which could not rightfully become a cause of war between the States.
Therefore great caution had to be used in making any popular statement of the matter.
This war must be looked upon as a war, not about Slavery but about Union.
Lincoln was thus obliged to befog his State papers with such careful statements as to his being for the Union without slavery, or for the Union with slavery, that the out