twice for Abraham Lincoln.
What he thought of John Brown, at the time of the Harper's Ferry raid, is uncertain; but many years later, when one of his friends published a small book in vindication of Brown against the attack of Lincoln's two secretaries, he wrote to him:
I congratulate you on the success of your statement, which I have read with very great interest.
John Brown was like a star and still shines in the firmament.
We could not have done without him.
He considered Governor Andrew's approbation of John Brown as more important than anything that would be written about him in the future.
He did not trouble himself much in regard to Lincoln's second election, for he saw that it was a foregone conclusion; but after Andrew Johnson's treachery in 1866, he felt there was a need of unusual exertion.
When the November elections arrived, he told his classes: Next Tuesday I shall have to serve my country and there will be no recitations.
When Tuesday came we found him
isparage one in order to elevate another.
Longfellow was the most popular American poet of his time, but there were others besides Edgar A. Poe who pretended to disdain him. I have met more such critics in Cambridge than in England, Germany, or Italy; and the reason was chiefly a political one.
At a distance Longfellow's politics attracted little attention, but in Cambridge they could not help being felt.
In 1862 a strong movement emanated from the Harvard Law-School to defeat Sumner and Andrew, and the lines became drawn pretty sharply.
As it happened, the prominent conservatives with one or two exceptions all lived to the east and north of the college grounds, while Longfellow, Lowell, Doctor Francis (who baptized Longfellow's children), Prof. Asa Gray, and other liberals lived at the west end; and the local division made the contest more acrimonious.
The conservatives afterwards felt the bitterness of defeat, and it was many years before they recovered from this.
A resident g
also a profound student of history; and Lowell was neither.
He was not acquainted with prominent men in public life, and depended too much on information derived at dinner-parties, or similar occasions.
During the war period Sumner, Wilson, and Andrew were almost omnipotent in Massachusetts, for the three worked together in a common cause; but power always engenders envy and so an inside opposition grew up within the Republican party to which Lowell lent his assistance without being aware of its true character.
His articles in the North American on public affairs were severely criticised by Andrew and Wilson, while Frank W. Bird frankly called them giving aid and comfort to the enemy.
It was certainly a doubtful course to pursue at such a critical juncture-when all patriots should have been united-and it offended a good many Republicans without conciliating the opposition.
Lowell's successor in this editorial chair was an old Webster Whig who had become a Democrat.
In 1873 he
The Doctor started at once for the seat of war, and met with quite a series of small adventures which he afterwards described in a felicitous article in the Atlantic, called My Hunt after the Captain.
His friend, Dr. Henry P. Bowditch, lost his son in the same battle, and when they met at the railway depot Holmes said: I would give my house to have your fortune like mine.
In a letter to Motley dated February 3, 1862, he says:
I was at a dinner at Parker's the other day where Governor Andrew and Emerson, and various unknown dingy-linened friends of progress met to hear Mr. Conway, the not unfamous Unitarian minister of Washington,--Virginia-born, with seventeen secesh cousins, fathers, and other relatives,--tell of his late experience at the seat of Government.
He is an out-and-out immediate emancipationist,believes that is the only way to break the strength of the South; that the black man is the life of the South; that they dread work above all things, and cling to the
of American diplomats since Benjamin Franklin, John A. Andrew, then a struggling lawyer, and Henry L. Piercew how to meet them.
He was especially feared while Andrew was Governor, for every one knew that he had consulted with Andrew before making his motion.
He was the Governor's man of business.
He came to know the charaished achievement in politics was the nomination of Andrew for Governor in 1860. Governor Banks was not favorable to Andrew and his friends, and used what influence he possessed for the benefit of Henry L. Dawes.
An orgfor the Union if Dawes had been Governor instead of Andrew.
Dawes was an excellent man in his way, but durileus was formed in the campaign of 1848, when Bird, Andrew, Henry L. Pierce, and William S. Robinson fell intoed by George L. Stearns.
At his right hand sat Governor Andrew, and either Sumner or Stearns on his left.
Docrities, a position to which he was appointed by Governor Andrew, and from which he was unjustly removed by Gove
en day indicated a condition of affairs in the United States not unlike that of France at the time when Count Tollendal was judicially murdered by Louis XV. Washington City was an oligarchical despotism.
A dark cloud hung over the Republic during the winter of 1860-‘61.
The impending danger was that war would break out before Lincoln could be inaugurated.
Such secrecy was observed by the Republican leaders that even Horace Greeley could not fathom their intentions.
Late in December John A. Andrew and George L. Stearns went to Washington to survey the ground for themselves, and the latter wrote to William Robinson, The watchword is, keep quiet.
He probably obtained this from Sumner, and it gives the key to the whole situation.
It demolishes Von Holst's finely-spun melodramatic theory in regard to that period of our history, in which he finally compares the condition of the United States to a drowning man who sees lurid flames before his eyes.
In the Republican and Union parti
the lead in an equally important philanthropic revolution in his own country.
Next to Sumner he is the most distinguished member of the club, even more so than Andrew and Wilson; a man with a most enviable record.
He does not talk much where many are gathered together, but if he hears an imprudent statement, especially an unju important national councils were held there in Dr. Howe's private office.
It was the first place that Sumner went to in the morning and the last place that Governor Andrew stopped before returning to his home at night.
There Dr. Howe and George L. Stearns consulted with John Brown concerning measures for the defence of Kansas; and there Howe, Stearns, and Bird concerted plans for the election of Andrew in 1860, and for the re-election of Sumner in 1862.
It was a quiet, retired spot in the midst of a bustling city, where a celebrated man could go without attracting public attention.
Chevalier Howe outlived Sumner just one year, and Wilson followed hi
een repeatedly asserted that the nomination of Andrew for Governor was the result of a general popul, there was the following item: Governor-elect Andrew, of Massachusetts, and George L. Stearns have publican party than Butler; but, on the whole, Andrew would seem to have acted judiciously.
They weertainly looked like this; but no one who knew Andrew intimately would believe that he acted from ining, the solicitor of the War Department. Governor Andrew then appealed to President Lincoln, who rand more comprehensive description be given of Andrew's own character; and is there another statemen of him: There was no better recommendation to Andrew's favor than for a man to have been in the Stathe Thirty-second Massachusetts Regiment. Governor Andrew was present, and seeing the son of an oldn in 1850, and have never recovered it since.
Andrew's political record and his democratic mannersArmy veterans, who were full of enthusiasm for Andrew; but it is not probable that the ex-Governor w[43 more...]
claimed the credit of having suggested to Governor Andrew to organize a colored regiment of Massach Beaufort about the first of February.
Governor Andrew formed the skeleton of a regiment with Rossachusetts did not look hopeful.
When Governor Andrew was in doubt he usually sent for Frank W.e:
Yesterday at noon I learned from Governor Andrew by telegram that he did not intend to raimade a remonstrance against this abuse to Governor Andrew in a letter in which he also gave this acte House at Boston, and on the back of it Governor Andrew has written:
This letter is respy. thus by such disagreement of opinion.
John A. Andrew.
Shortly after this Mr. Stearns returnehed a good many.
The statement made by Governor Andrew's private secretary concerning the coloreifferently.
The Governor of Ohio advised Governor Andrew that no more recruiting could be permittehe recruits were assigned to the Ohio quota.
Andrew replied that the Governor of Ohio was at liber
tion to it. Elizur Wright took advantage of the storm to establish a newspaper, the Chronotype, in opposition to the Government policy.
He began this enterprise almost without help, but soon obtained assistance from leading Free-soilers like John A. Andrew, Dr. S. G. Howe, and especially Frank W. Bird, the most disinterested of politicians, who gave several thousand dollars in support of the Chronotype. The object of the paper, stated in Mr. Wright's own words, was To examine everything that isim an early entrance to it; and having life insurance on the brain, as it were, other members of the club soon became interested in the subject as a political question.
In this way Mr. Wright was soon able to effect legislation.
Sumner, Wilson, Andrew, and Bird gave him an almost unqualified support.
In 1858 he was appointed Insurance Commissioner for Massachusetts, a position which he held until 1866.
As Commissioner he formulated the principal legislation on life insurance; and his reports