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ned. These requests Mr. Hayes religiously observed, though in my case, at least, great pressure was brought to induce him to break his pledge. My place was wanted by two Cabinet Ministers for their own friends, and was actually offered to Chester A. Arthur, then collector at New York, by Sherman, the Secretary of the Treasury. Arthur declined it, and I never heard that Sherman's offer was authorized by Hayes. Mr. Sherman, however, was under no obligation to me, nor indeed to General Grant, Arthur declined it, and I never heard that Sherman's offer was authorized by Hayes. Mr. Sherman, however, was under no obligation to me, nor indeed to General Grant, beyond that which every citizen of the country shared. The new Administration showed Grant all proper civilities during his stay abroad. Naval vessels were placed at his disposal in European and Asiatic waters, and diplomatic and consular officers were instructed by the State Department to pay him every honor in the countries to which they were were accredited. But the policy of Hayes's Government Grant always thought reflected on his own. An avowed and personal enemy of the ex-President w
mony that was not confined to them, but was extended to his great rival. Even former followers who did not support him in the concluding political effort of his life never held the same place in his personal regard. His failure embittered his feeling toward all who contributed to it. This remark has no reference to Young. Grant followed Young's counsel, and in the end perhaps wished that others had done so too. It was at his urgent advice that Mr. Young was afterward appointed by President Arthur, Minister to China. But though Grant's disappointment was acute it was not manifested with any loss of dignity. The world knows how soon he accepted defeat and fell into line as a follower in that party of which he had so long been the head; how he supported Mr. Garfield, and though an ex-President, attended political meetings and made political speeches in behalf of the man who aspired to the place he had held and had again expected to fill. On the 23d of June, two weeks after t
ted from nearly midnight till four in the morning, but he remained upon the platform until the last man had passed; Chester A. Arthur, the candidate for the Vice-Presidency, stood by his side, reaping the benefit of Grant's popularity. Grant even bn made which brought about the famous political contest between Garfield and Blaine on one side, and Grant, Conkling, and Arthur on the other. Robertson, whose course at Chicago had secured the defeat of Grant, and who was therefore the man in the w I remained a few weeks in Washington, consulting not only with Senators Conkling and Logan, but constantly with Vice-President Arthur, and once returning to New York to take the advice of General Grant. I saw the President several times and he seisfaction at the courtesy. Nevertheless General Grant had fully sympathized with the feeling of Mr. Conkling and Vice-President Arthur, and had come in for his share of unpopularity with those who supported Garfield, as well as with that large port
hur. Grant's first important relations with Arthur were in 1871, when he appointed the friend of Conkling Collector of the Port of New York. Arthur was retained in this position during the subsequling together by train on some occasion before Arthur had taken any step of importance in his new siad issued the commission of Collector to Chester A. Arthur, of New York. The circumstance could haurely personal. It soon became evident that Mr. Arthur did not intend, as President, to hold the sad to others abandonment of principle; and when Arthur, the third term advocate, called into his Cabiriends than any except Hayes's, probably. But Arthur will probably go into the Convention second inofficials and the vacancies he has to fill. Arthur was not nominated, and I cannot recollect thattore him to his former rank in the army; but Mr. Arthur made it known that he should oppose the measthe nomination of Grant was the closing act of Arthur's official existence; but it came too late to [23 more...]
until the time approached when another nomination for the Presidency was to be made, and then the friends of Blaine became extremely anxious for an accommodation. But Grant was still unwilling to be propitiated. He certainly preferred Blaine to Arthur, as a candidate, but he refused to take any step, or make any public utterance in Blaine's favor, in the months preceding the nomination. In October, 1883, he wrote to me as follows: dear Badeau,—I have your letter of yesterday. I write blf and Mr. Blaine together, he certainly would not refuse to meet him socially. In fact time had undoubtedly somewhat mellowed or modified his feeling, and as it became evident that the choice of the party had almost narrowed down to Blaine or Arthur, Grant admitted that he desired the success of Blaine as an alternative. After the nomination he often said to me that he had no doubt Mr. Blaine would make an excellent President; and on the first occasion when the candidate was in New York, Ge
the Peruvian Company, and never had. I do not recognize the right of reporters and sensational writers to call upon me for an explanation whenever my name is mentioned. In 1882 Grant was appointed, entirely without his own solicitation or expectation, head of a commission to negotiate a commercial treaty with Mexico. This was doubtless at the instance of Secretary Frelinghuysen, who retained his personal and friendly relations with Grant after the ex-President had altogether broken with Arthur. At the very time when Grant's most urgent applications and recommendations in behalf of political adherents or personal friends were rejected or ignored, his own nomination was sent to the Senate. This was a very adroit move on the part of the Government, for Grant was known to take a keen interest in our commercial relations with Mexico, and he could hardly refuse the appointment, although to accept it would give the appearance of a friendly feeling for the Administration which he was fa
ny one was injured financially by the temporary failure. During this period, while General Grant was pressing upon the business community and upon statesmen the importance of developing both political and commercial relations with Mexico, President Arthur appointed him Commissioner to negotiate a treaty of commerce with that country. Romero was appropriately designated by the Mexican Government to meet him, and the two were thus associated in a work conceived in the fairest spirit to both cot by both Grant and Romero, which both repudiated. Indeed it is within my personal knowledge that the appointment of Commissioner was unexpected to Grant, and for a while he hesitated whether to accept or refuse the position. His relations with Arthur were not agreeable at the time; he was displeased with the President's course, and had criticized his Administration freely. He always thought the offer was made to please or placate him at a time when he was indignant at other actions of the Pr
o place him on the retired list. A bill for this purpose had indeed passed the Senate at the preceding session, but President Arthur, it was known, would veto it, in order to preserve his consistency, having vetoed another intended to restore Genera. He forgot, apparently, that the cases were different. General Grant himself said: I have not been court-martialed. Mr. Arthur proposed, it is true, a pension, but this Grant indignantly declined to receive. He disliked to appear to apply for puuse of Representatives would be vetoed by the President, Senator Edmunds introduced another, with the view of obviating Mr. Arthur's objections. This was rapidly passed by the Senate and sent to the other House. There it was taken up by Mr. Randalpent so many hours during the winter. Meanwhile the efforts to pass the bill for his retirement continued. This one Mr. Arthur would sign. It had passed the Senate, and Mr. Randall, General Slocum, and other prominent Democrats wrote to General
n 1882, at General Grant's urgent desire, President Arthur appointed Mr. Young Minister to China. send me to Italy. Mr. Conkling also wrote to Arthur in my favor; and I addressed both the Presidend: Now General Badeau will get his mission. Mr. Arthur wrote the following letter to General Grant:nt & yourself, I am Faithfully Yours, Chester A. Arthur. General Grant, New York. No other eto General Grant or to me, of the conduct of Mr. Arthur and Mr. Frelinghuysen. By the advice of Gme was so identified with his own, and because Arthur was unwilling to seem too much under his influt otherwise have escaped; and in the eyes of Mr. Arthur, it was, he thought, especially a disadvantaid not take Grant's advice, for I knew that if Arthur was nominated he could snap his fingers at me,s I was extremely anxious should appear during Arthur's Presidency; first, because it was more manly while it was in power, and next, because when Arthur went out of office the interest of the theme w[11 more...]
conquered, a fiercer animosity was aroused than had existed during the Rebellion. The rancor of his Presidential terms rivaled any that was poured on Lincoln, and the damage done to his reputation by open enemies and pretended friends wounded him all the more acutely because for a while he had been used to popularity. Then came the wonderful tour abroad, and after this his return to party strife. The aspirations that were crushed at Chicago, the hostility with Garfield, the slights from Arthur, embittered his final years, and his political sun went down in eclipse; while the odious story of his business failure flung an additional cloud around his fame. Last of all appeared disease—the result of mental agony. But the self-same hand that struck the soldier to the earth tore away all that had obscured the real Grant from his countrymen. They saw him suffering, struggling with Death, and all the light of his past was reflected on the scene; his errors were blotted out, his great