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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 14 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 10 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 10 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 2 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for James M. Ashley or search for James M. Ashley in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
an amendment of the Constitution declaring that slavery shall be forever prohibited within the limits of the United States. Two days later, Mr. Wright procured its adoption at a meeting of the American Antislavery Society in Philadelphia, and this is supposed to have been the first public movement for the thirteenth amendment. Works, vol. VIII. p. 351. H. C. Wright's letter to Sumner in manuscript, May 17, 1866. Early in the session resolutions for such an amendment were proposed by Ashley of Ohio and Wilson of Iowa in the House, and by Henderson of Missouri in the Senate. Sumner himself offered two forms. He moved a reference of the subject to his own committee on slavery and freedmen, but yielded to Trumbull's suggestion that it belonged more properly to the committee on the judiciary, expressing as his chief desire that prompt action should be taken. Trumbull, adopting the formula of the Ordinance of 1787, reported as the proposed amendment that neither slavery nor invol
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
Sumner was not disposed to yield to the arrangement, not being in favor of such methods of obtaining votes, even for a good measure, and believing that the amendment would pass in any event. Nicolay and Have's Life of Lincoln, vol. x. p. 84. J. M. Ashley, whom those authors give as authority, has stated in a letter to the writer that neither Mr. Lincoln nor himself imputed Sumner's action to ambition or selfish motive. The attempt was made at this session to establish a system of retaliatihley's reconstruction bill, in different forms, was before the House (January 16, February 21 and 22), but it came to no result. Each draft confined suffrage to white male citizens, except that in one colored soldiers were admitted to suffrage. Ashley was himself against this discrimination on account of race, but his committee overruled him. Dawes of Massachusetts, while expressing himself in his speech, Feb. 20, 1865, as in favor of suffrage irrespective of race, was opposed to requiring it
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 55: Fessenden's death.—the public debt.—reduction of postage.— Mrs. Lincoln's pension.—end of reconstruction.—race discriminations in naturalization.—the Chinese.—the senator's record.—the Cuban Civil War.—annexation of San Domingo.—the treaties.—their use of the navy.—interview with the presedent.—opposition to the annexation; its defeat.—Mr. Fish.—removal of Motley.—lecture on Franco-Prussian War.—1869-1870. (search)
he wished to speak with the senator concerning them. Sumner, partly to divert attention from the treaties (as to which he did not care to commit himself in advance), and partly to take advantage of an opportunity to say a word for his friend J. M. Ashley, recently removed from the governorship of Montana, turned the conversation to Ashley's case. After this interruption, the President recurred to the treaties, but gave no definite idea as to what they were, the senator even supposing that thes may be true, but it is not the more credible because Badeau states it. This writer implies, though he has not the hardihood to say so explicitly, that the senator could have been brought to support the treaty by an appointment being given to J. M. Ashley. Ibid., pp. 214 215. but he might possibly by such a recognition have mitigated the heated controversy which ensued. Sunnier afterwards explained why he did not go to the President and state the grounds of his opposition. In Senate, Dec.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
a lawyer taken a fee in a matter connected with his public duties stood in the way of his selection. Sumner's name was one of those proposed. Wilkes presented it in his newspaper, The Spirit of the Times, Jan. 20 and March 30, 1872. and James M. Ashley was active in bringing it forward, making a visit to New England in the spring for the purpose. Bowles, Bird, and others thought that an open and distinct declaration of sympathy with the movement at an early stage would have placed him at ency in 1892; in Massachusetts, N. P. Banks, member of Congress, United States marshal and presidential elector, John D. Long, governor, and Albert E. Pillsbury, attorney-general; in Missouri, Carl Schurz, Secretary of the Interior; in Ohio, James M. Ashley, twice Republican candidate for Congress, Murat Halstead, nominated minister to Germany, and Stanley Matthews, Republican senator and justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. Judge Matthews was a member of the Cincinnati convent