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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 60 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 36 0 Browse Search
James D. Porter, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 7.1, Tennessee (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 26 2 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 26 0 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 24 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: June 11, 1861., [Electronic resource] 23 1 Browse Search
Col. O. M. Roberts, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 12.1, Alabama (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 17 1 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: November 3, 1860., [Electronic resource] 16 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 16 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 16 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for John Bell or search for John Bell in all documents.

Your search returned 30 results in 10 document sections:

tated, but that affecting colored persons only; and Congress, by the above action, clearly affirmed their right, when citizens of any State, to the privileges and immunities of citizens in all other States. The assumption that negroes are not, and cannot be, citizens, is abundantly refuted by the action of several of the Slave States themselves. Till within a recent period, free negroes were not merely citizens, but electors, of those States--which all citizens are not, or need not be. John Bell, when first elected to Congress, in 1827, running out Felix Grundy, received the votes of several colored electors, and used, long after, to confess his obligation to them. North Carolina allowed her free negroes, who possessed the requisite qualifications in other respects, to vote, regardless of their color, down to about 1830. Their habit of voting for the Federal or Whig candidates, and against the Democratic, was a subject of frequent and jocular remark — the Whigs insisting that
in certain Territories, approved March 6, 1820, be, and the same is hereby, declared to extend to the Pacific Ocean; and the said eighth section, together with the compromise therein effected, is hereby revived, and declared to be in full force, and binding, for the future organization of the Territories of the United States, in the same sense, and with the same understanding, with which it was generally adopted. This was carried by 33 Yeas — including Messrs. Calhoun, Jefferson Davis, John Bell, Benton, and every member present from the Slave States, with Messrs. Cameron, of Pennsylvania; Douglas, of Illinois; Bright, of Indiana; Dickinson, of New York; and Fitzgerald, of Michigan, from Free States--to 21 Nays, including Messrs. Webster, of Massachusetts, Hamlin, of Maine, Dix, of New York, and Breese, of Illinois. The bill, thus amended, passed the Senate by 33 Yeas to 22 Nays. But the House, on its return, thus amended, utterly refused (August 11th) to concur in any such pa
also one to establish territorial governments for Utah and New Mexico, Col. Benton moved April 5th. that the previous orders be postponed, and the California bill taken up. Mr. Clay proposed the laying of this motion on the table, which was carried by 27 Yeas to 24 Nays. The Senate now proceeded, on motion of Mr. Foote, of Mississippi, to constitute a Select Committee of thirteen, to consider the questions raised by Mr. Clay's proposition, and also by resolves submitted a month later by Mr. Bell, of Tennessee; and on the 19th this Committee was elected by ballot and composed as follows: Mr. Henry Clay, of Kentucky, Chairman. Messrs. Dickinson, of N. Y., Phelps, of Vt., Bell of Tenn., Cass, of Mich., Webster, of Mass., Berrien, of Ga., Cooper, of Pa., Downs, of La., King, of Ala., Mangum, of N. C., Mason, of Va., Bright, of Ind. Mr. Clay reported May 8th. from said Committee a recommendation, substantially, of his original proposition
rth Carolina; Butler and Evans, of South Carolina; Dawson, of Georgia; Fitzpatrick and C. C. Clay, of Alabama; Adams and Brown, of Mississippi; Benjamin and Slidell, of Louisiana; Morton, of Florida; Houston and Rusk, of Texas; Dixon, of Kentucky; Bell and Jones, of Tennessee; Atchison, of Missouri; Sebastian and Johnson, of Arkansas; Gwin and Weller, of California--36. So the Senate decisively voted that the people of the new Territories, formed by this act from the region shielded from Slaming out of Committee, Mr. Clayton's amendment, above mentioned, was disagreed to--22 to 20--and the bill engrossed for its third reading by 29 to 12--and, at a late hour of the night March 3d.--or rather, morning — passed: Yeas 37; Nays Messrs. Bell, of Tennessee, Houston, of Texas, and Walker, of Wisconsin, who had voted against Mr. Chase's amendment above cited, and Mr. James, of Rhode Island, who had not voted on it at all, now voted Nay. Messrs. Bayard, of Delaware, Cass, of Michigan,
ane by the smaller Fitzpatrick declines H. V. Johnson substituted Bell and Everett nominated by the constitutional Union party Lincoln andaltimore on the 19th of May; and, on the second ballot, nominated John Bell, of Tennessee, for President; he receiving 138 votes to 114 for aork, the Fusion anti-Lincoln ticket was made up of ten supporters of Bell and Everett, seven of Breckinridge and Lane, and the residue friendsto treat calmly the conduct of the American, Conservative, Union, or Bell-Everett party of the South; or, more accurately, to reconcile its chprinciples, the jewels of its crown. It had nominated and supported Bell and Everett on a platform which meaningly proclaimed fidelity to Thelor in 1848, had just polled nearly forty per cent. of that vote for Bell, and might boast its full share of the property, and more than its s Carolina had scarcely indicated unmistakably her purpose, when many Bell-Unionists of Georgia, Alabama, and other Southern States, began to c
rt the Fusion ticket (composed of three Douglas, two Bell, and two Breckinridge men), had allowed four of the Lincoln Electors to slip in over the two Bell and the two Breckinridge Electors on the regular Democratic tick 123 for all others. Of these, Breckinridge had 72; Bell 39 (from Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee); and Douree states. States. Lincoln. Douglas. Breckinridge. Bell. Maine 62,811 26,693 6,368 2,046 New Hampshire 37,ave states. States. Lincoln. Douglas. Breckinridge. Bell. Delaware 3,815 1,023 7,337 3,864 Maryland 2,294 5ctoral ticket, but almost entirely by old Whigs o<*> Bell men. Lincoln over Douglas, 566,036; Do. over BellBell, 1,211,486; do. over Breckinridge, 1,007,528. Lincoln has less than all his opponents combined, by 930,170. Breckinridge had in the Slave States over Bell, 54,898; do. over Douglas, 407,346; do. over Douglas and L of Gen. Scott; and, lastly, Major Breckinridge of John Bell. In Kentucky, in the State canvass of 1859, Mr. J
.--Messrs. Anthony, Baker, Bingham, Cameron, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Dixon, Doolittle, Durkee, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, King, Seward, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, and Wilson-25 [all Republicans]. Nays.--Messrs. Bayard, Bigler, Bragg, Bright, Clingman, Crittenden, Fitch, Green, Gwin, Hunter, Johnson, of Tennessee, Kennedy, Lane, of Oregon, Mason, Nicholson, Pearce, Polk, Powell, Pugh, Rice, Saulsbury, and Sebastian-23 [all Democrats, but two Bell-Conservatives, in italics]. Messrs. Iverson, of Georgia, Benjamin and Slidell, of Louisiana, Hemphill and Wigfall, of Texas, and R. W. Johnson, of Arkansas--who had voted just before against taking up the Kansas bill-had now absented themselves or sat silent, and allowed Mr. Clark's resolves to supplant Mr. Crittenden's, which were thus defeated. They doubtless did this in obedience to a resolve, preconcerted with Messrs. Davis, Toombs, etc., to accept no adjustment or concession which d
of the land. Such were the just and forcibly stated convictions of a leading journal, which soon after became, and has since remained, a noisy oracle of Secession. the time-honored organ of her Whig Conservatives, who had secured her vote for Bell and Everett, had been changed — by purchase, it was said — and was now as zealous for Secession as hitherto against it. Finally, her Convention resolved, on the 4th aforesaid, to send new Commissioners to wait on President Lincoln, and appointed Mmonstrance from her Governor. It was only the call for Kentuckians to maintain the integrity of the Republic and enforce the authority of its Government that aroused his abhorrence of its wicked purpose. The Louisville Journal--chief oracle of Bell-Everett conservatism in Kentucky--then, as before and since, professedly devoted to the Union--thus responded to the President's call: The President's Proclamation has reached us. We are struck with mingled amazement and indignation. The poli
beguiled or hurled into complicity in the crime of dividing and destroying their country, there is no name whereon will rest a deeper, darker stigma than that of John Bell. Conservatism having thus bound itself hand and foot, and cast its fettered and helpless form at the feet of rampant, aggressive treason, the result was ineviith any idea of thereby seducing the home of Henry Clay from her loyalty, that hope was ill-grounded, as the Presidential election more conclusively demonstrated — Bell and Everett carrying the State by a large plurality. Bell 66,058; Breckinridge 53,143; Douglas 25,651; Lincoln 1,364. Yet her Democratic Governor, Magoffin, Bell 66,058; Breckinridge 53,143; Douglas 25,651; Lincoln 1,364. Yet her Democratic Governor, Magoffin, Elected in 1859. though he forcibly protested See page 340. against the headlong impetuosity wherewith South Carolina persisted in dragging the South into Disunion — summoned her December 27, 1860. Legislature to meet in extra session, and, on its assembling, January 17, 1861. addressed to it a Message, urging the call of
to 546; 551. Beckwith, Major, at Lexington, Mo., 588. Bedford, Pa., fugitive-slave arrests near, 216. Bee, Gen., (Rebel,) killed at Bull Run, 543; 545. Bell, John, his election to Congress, in 1827, aided by negro votes, 179; 207; nominated for President, 319; 325; 482; vote cast for him in Ky., 492. Bell, Joshua F.Bell, Joshua F., of Ky., 338. Belmont, Mo., battle of, 594 to 597; The Chicago Journal's report, 595-6; other reports, etc., 597. Bendix, Col., (Union,) 529; 530. Benham, Gen., 525; on Floyd's retreat, 526. Benning, Henry L., in Dem. Convention, 315. Benton, Col. Thomas, 106; 159; speech against the Annexation treaty. 164-5; his the admission of Kansas, 251; is a candidate for Speaker, 804; chosen Speaker at the Extra Session, 555. Gruber, Rev. Jacob, 109. Grundy, Felix, beaten by John Bell, 179. Guthrie, James, of Ky., in the Democratic Convention of 1860, 317; 318; his report in the Peace Conference, 397-8 ; his plan of amendment, and the votin