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Archibald H. Grimke, William Lloyd Garrison the Abolitionist, Chapter 4: the hour and the man. (search)
cap in their struggle for an advantageous place in the New World of the nineteenth century; in their struggle with their free sisters for political leadership in the Union. But with the development of the protective principle those States fell into sore financial distress, were ground between the upper millstone of the protective system and the nether millstone of their own industrial system. Prosperity and plenty did presently disappear from that section and settled in the North. In 1828 Benton drew this dark picture of the state of the South: In place of wealth, a universal pressure for money was felt; not enough for common expenses; the price of all property down; the country drooping and languishing; towns and cities decaying, and the frugal habits of the people pushed to the verge of universal self-denial for the preservation of their family estates. He did not hesitate to charge to Federal legislation the responsibility for all this poverty and distress, for he proce
Archibald H. Grimke, William Lloyd Garrison the Abolitionist, Chapter 13: the barometer continues to fall. (search)
d the right of free speech and the freedom of the press. Storm clouds are flying from the East and from the West, flying out of the North and out of the South. Everywhere the chaos of the winds has burst, and the anarchy of the live thunder. Benton with his customary optimism from a Southern standpoint, rejoiced in the year 1836 that the people of the Northern States had chased off the foreign emissaries, silenced the gabbling tongues of female dupes, and dispersed the assemblies, whether f, was sufficiently potent to preserve the statutes of the free States, free from repressive laws directed against the Abolitionists. This was much but there was undoubtedly another phase of the agitation, a phase which struck the shallow eye of Benton, and led him into false conclusions. It was not clear sailing for the reform. It was truly a period of stress and storm. Sometimes the reform was in a trough of the sea of public opinion, sometimes on the crest of a billow, and then again on t
Archibald H. Grimke, William Lloyd Garrison the Abolitionist, Index. (search)
-251. Adams, Nehemiah, 278 Adams, William, 292. Alcott, A. Bronson, go, 91, 134. American Anti-Slavery Society, 174, 311, 340, 373, 387. Andover Seminary, 19o. Andrew, John A., 381, 389. Annexation of Texas, 335. Anti-Slavery Standard, 299. Atchison, David, 338, 374. Attucks, Crispus, 227. Bacon, Leonard W., 162. Bartlett, Ezekiel, 18, 20. Beecher, Lyman, Iio, III, 16I, 189, 190, 269. Benson, George, 194, 263. Benson, George W., 168, 178, 234, 260, 281. Benson, Henry E., 212, 263. Benton, Thomas H., 105-106, 252, 253, Bird, Frank W., 361. Birney, James G., 203, 298, 320. Bond, Judge, 382. Boston Female Anti-Slavery Society, 217, 233, 240. Bourne, Rev. George, i08, 203. Bowditch, Henry I., 233, 349, 389. Bright, John, 390, 391. Brooks, Preston S., 359. Brown, John, 365-368. Buffum, Arnold, 139, 177. Burleigh, Charles C., 221, 223, 235. Buxton, Thomas Fowell, 152, 154, 204. Calhoun, John C., 246, 252, 315, 335, 336, 337, 352, 353, 384. Campbell, John Reid, 225. C
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana, Chapter 6: return to New York journalism (search)
n of slavery in the territories, the dissolution of the Union, the preservation of the Union, were subjects of absorbing interest more or less constantly under discussion. The great public men of the period were Clay, Webster, and Calhoun; while Benton, Dayton, Davis, Douglas, Crittenden, Sumner, Foote, Seward, and Mangum were lesser lights; but each was striving in his own way to compose the differences between the sections by compromises and arrangements, which it was hoped would not only satruction of a line from the western end of Lake Michigan to the Pacific Ocean. The first speech in the Senate in advocacy of the general measure was made by Senator Breeze, of Illinois, but the bill which was finally passed was introduced by Senator Benton, of Missouri, in 1849. Dana gave this scheme his heartiest approval and support from the first, and urged that should the bounty land bill become a law, as he feared it would, it should be followed at once by another setting apart alternate
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana, Chapter 9: Dana's influence in the tribune (search)
nated for president continued agitation in behalf of free Kansas death of Senator Benton leadership of the tribune John Brown's raid That Dana, although only mIt seems that in the daily comments of the Tribune on the men of the times, one Benton, who had been supporting Banks, steadily but sulkily, was handled rather roughl in mercy be sure to aim well. After commending Dana's editorial remarks on Benton and Lew Campbell as being in excellent taste, and then condemning him for what o meet Clayton last evening at Seward's, where I had a quiet talk with him, Colonel Benton, and Governor [Stanton] as to Kansas and what is to be done. Judge whetheruse, to have had him assailed in the Tribune as he was. I rode home with Colonel Benton, who is every inch as vulnerable as Clayton. But he is now on the right sily, without any visible shadow of selfish or personal bias. The death of Senator Benton, in April, 1858, was followed by an appreciative editorial in the Tribune a
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana, Chapter 21: administration of War Department (search)
he President, I know nothing. The way to get it done is for General Thomas earnestly to request it, and to say that he regards it as indispensable to the future efficiency of his army. As for the Spencer carbines, everything will be done that is possible, but I doubt whether you can get the whole product of the armories now at work on that arm. But I will see General Dyer on the subject. You have perhaps noticed in the newspapers the appointment of a board consisting of Majors Laidley and Benton, Ordnance Corps; Major Maynardier and Captain Kellogg, Infantry; and Captain Rodenbough, of the Cavalry, with Lieutenant Edlie, Ordnance Corps, to examine all breech-loading arms with a view to deciding which is best for infantry and which for cavalry service. This looks to the entire abrogation of muzzle-loaders for infantry. I find that Dyer is not disposed to adopt the Spencer for foot-soldiers, and that he also doubts whether it is the best arm for cavalry. But on this point experien
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana, Index (search)
Pierre, 220. Bayou, Tensas, 209. Beach, Moses Y., 484-487. Beecher-Tilton scandal, 449. Belknap, General, 418, 419. Bell, Senator, 180. Bern, General, 96. Benjamin, Senator, 153, 359. Bennett, James Gordon, 128, 314, 430, 484-489. Benton, Mayor, 351. Benton, Senator, 98, 104, 144, 145, 152. Bentonville, battle at, 355. Berlin, 83-85. Bermuda Hundred, 328, 329. Big Black River, 209, 216, 220, 221, 223, 225, 230. Bingham, Lieutenant-Colonel, 242. Black Ant, children's stoBenton, Senator, 98, 104, 144, 145, 152. Bentonville, battle at, 355. Berlin, 83-85. Bermuda Hundred, 328, 329. Big Black River, 209, 216, 220, 221, 223, 225, 230. Bingham, Lieutenant-Colonel, 242. Black Ant, children's stories, 155. Black Friday, 417, 425, 493. Black, Jeremiah I., 182. Blaine, James G., 462, 483. Blair, General, 246, 295, 296, 363. Blatchford, Judge, 433. Bohemia, 84. Bohme, 56. Bonner, Robert, 417. Borie, Adolf E., 410, 411, 413, 414, 416. Boston, 23, 26, 456. Bottom's Bridge, 328. Boutwell, George S., 190, 353, 410. Bowers, Theodore, 5, 242, 252, 266, 278, 344, 352, 365, 374. Bowker, George H., 346. Bowman, Colonel, 363. Bradley, Justice, 443. Bragg, General, 233, 23
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune, Chapter 5: sources of the Tribune's influence — Greeley's personality (search)
s eleven columns of arguments as to the feasibility of sustaining the opera in New York if they would only play his compositions. I don't believe three hundred who take the Tribune care one chew of tobacco for the matter! Again he wrote: I shall have to quit here or die, unless you stop attacking people here without consulting me; and again: If you were to live fifty years and do nothing but good all the time, you could hardly atone for the mischief you have done by that article on Benton. ... I write once more to entreat that I may be allowed to conduct the Tribune with reference to the mile wide that stretches either way from Pennsylvania Avenue. It is but a small space, and you have all the world besides. Indicating his zeal for exactness, and his quick detection of an error, he wrote: The Tribune of Monday says that the bank suspension took place in 1836. It was 1837 (May 10). Please correct in Weekly. Greeley was always easily approached, and the demands on his pur
to the Northern scale. two sectional measures. comparisons of Southern representation in Congress at the date of the Constitution and in the year 1860. sectional domination of the North. a protective tariff. the bill of abominations. Senator Benton on the tariff of 1828. his retrospect of the prosperity of the South. history of the American tariffs. tariff of 1833, a deceitful Compromise. other measures of Northern aggrandizement. ingenuity of Northern avarice. why the South could styled by Mr. Calhoun--was laid in a Convention of Northern men at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania; and from this Convention were excluded all sections of the country intended to be made tributary under the act of Congress. Of the tariff of 1828 Senator Benton remarked: The South believed itself impoverished to enrich the North by this system; and certainly an unexpected result had been seen in these two sections. In the colonial state the Southern were the richer part of the colonies, and they e
ri had always been strongly Southern. As early as 1848-9, when the North was evidently intent upon excluding the South from the territory obtained in the Mexican war-acquired principally by the blood of Southern soldiers — the Legislature of Missouri passed resolutions affirming the rights of the States, as interpreted by Calhoun, and pledging Missouri to co-operate with her sister States in any measure they might adopt against Northern encroachments. On opposition to these resolutions, Mr. Benton was defeated for the United States Senate; and they remained on the statute-book of Missouri unrepealed to the date of the war. In the last Presidential campaign, Missouri, under one of those apparent contradictions or delusions not uncommon in American politics, gave her vote for Douglas. This result was obtained chiefly through the influence of Sterling Price, who had formerly been Governour of the State, had previously represented her in Congress, and was a man of commanding influen
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