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Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865 185 3 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. Volume 4. 172 8 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. Volume 3. 156 6 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 7. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 153 3 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 147 3 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 10. (ed. Frank Moore) 145 1 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 11. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 121 3 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1. 114 2 Browse Search
Colonel William Preston Johnston, The Life of General Albert Sidney Johnston : His Service in the Armies of the United States, the Republic of Texas, and the Confederate States. 110 0 Browse Search
Edward Alfred Pollard, The lost cause; a new Southern history of the War of the Confederates ... Drawn from official sources and approved by the most distinguished Confederate leaders. 102 2 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for John C. Breckinridge or search for John C. Breckinridge in all documents.

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belching fire and fury at each other at a safe distance, protected by the patriotism and good sense of nine-tenths of their countrymen, against the evils they would bring on themselves. Can you doubt the success of such a reunion? Not an advocate of disunion, under any probable circumstances, can be found among the candidates for the presidency and vice-presidency. The supporters of Bell to a man, the supporters of Douglas to a man, and more than three-fourths of the supporters of Breckinridge, are staunch friends of the Union, and staunch adversaries of northern interference with southern institutions, When, convinced of the folly and madness of their warfare on each other, as they will be after the election, if not before, they band together in common cause, and that cause the preservation of our glorious Union and its invaluable Constitution, with their attendant blessings, will they not be irresistible? How much more hopeful and cheering is a prospect like this than the
las of the State of Illinois was a candidate. His friends presented him as the best Union man. I shall speak upon this subject in reference to my position. Mr. Breckinridge's friends presented him to the people as the Union candidate. I was one of Mr. Breckinridge's friends. The Bell men presented the claims of the Hon. John BMr. Breckinridge's friends. The Bell men presented the claims of the Hon. John Bell of Tennessee for the Presidency, upon the ground that he was the best Union candidate. The Republican party, so far as I understand them, have always :been in favor of the Union. Then here was the contest; between four candidates presented to the consideration of the people of the United States. And the great struggle betwesult. Then what was the former contest? Bringing it down to the present times, there has been no disagreement between Republicans, Bell men, Douglas men, and Breckinridge men, as regards the preservation of the Union of States. Now, however, these measures are all laid aside — all these party questions are left out of conside
rhood, and they ought to cease, as I doubt not in time they will, or at least be materially mitigated; but these grievances lie not at the door of that parental federal Government, whose blessings drop upon us as gently as the dews of heaven, nor are they now for the first time existing. They existed and we endured them under the Democratic administrations of Mr. Polk, Mr. Pierce, and Mr. Buchanan, never dreaming of making them a cause for the dissolution of the Union; and I presume if Mr. Breckinridge had been elected they would never have been even heard of as causes for disruption. Patiently and meekly we bore these grievances when Democratic Presidents held sway; but under the rule of Mr. Lincoln they became wrongs so enormous and intolerable that for them we must in an instant shiver this blessed Union into fragments. But the practical inquiry here arises — that which so much concerns the masses of the people — shall we redress these grievances or make them lighter, or remedy
was lifted to resist it? Strange, and indeed startling, as the announcement must appear when it falls on the ears of the next generation, the national tragedy, in whose shadow we stand to-night, has come upon us because, in November last, John C. Breckinridge was not elected President of the United States, and Abraham Lincoln was. This is the whole story. And I would pray now to know, on what John C. Breckinridge fed that he has grown so great, that a republic founded by Washington and cementeJohn C. Breckinridge fed that he has grown so great, that a republic founded by Washington and cemented by the best blood that has ever coursed in human veins, is to be overthrown because, forsooth, he cannot be its President? Had he been chosen, we well know that we should not have heard of this rebellion, for the lever with which it is being moved would have been wanting to the hands of the conspirators. Even after his defeat, could it have been guaranteed, beyond all peradventure, that Jeff. Davis, or some other kindred spirit, would be the successor of Mr. Lincoln, I presume we hazard noth
Doc. 94.-speech of J. C. Breckinridge, in the United States Senate, July 16, 1861. Mr. Breckinridge (Ky.) proceeded to speak at length in opposition to the resolution. He said, under ordinary circumstances he might content himself simply with a vote, but now he thought it required to give expression to his views. It was proposed, by resolution, to declare the acts of the President approved. The resolution, on its face, seems to admit that the acts of the President were not performed in accordance with the Constitution and laws. If that were the case, then he would be glad to have some reason assigned, showing the power of Congress to indemnify the President for a breach of the Constitution. He denied that one branch of the Government can indemnify public officers in another branch for violation of the Constitution and laws. The powers conferred on the Government by the people of the States are the measures of its authority. These powers are confided in different departme
Confederate States:-- Sir: In obedience to your instructions, I left the city of Richmond on the morning of the 7th of July, at 6 o'clock A. M., as bearer of despatches to His Excellency Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States. At Manassas I received from Gen. Beauregard a letter to Gen. McDowell, commanding the U. S. forces at Arlington. From Manassas I proceeded to Fairfax C. H., where I was furnished by Gen. Bonham an escort of fourteen cavalry, under the command of Lieut. Breckinridge, of the Virginia cavalry. Proceeding on the direct road to Alexandria to its junction with the road to Arlington, I met a detachment of cavalry under the command of Colonel Porter, U. S. A., about three miles from the junction, from which place I sent back my escort. Capt. Whipple, U. S. A., accompanied me to Arlington, where I arrived about 4 o'clock P. M. Monday the 8th, Gen. McDowell not being at Arlington, my arrival was telegraphed him to Washington City. About 9 o'clock P. M.
eak up this Government and establish a Southern Confederacy? Then, when we get at it, what is the real cause? If Mr. Breckinridge, or Mr. Davis, or some other favorite of those who are now engaged in breaking up the Government, had been elected Pbeen borne in triumph everywhere. I hold in my hand a document which was our text-book in the campaign. It is headed Breckinridge and Lane Campaign Document No. 16. Who are the disunionists? Breckinridge and Lane the true Union candidates. It coBreckinridge and Lane the true Union candidates. It contains an extract which I will read from the Senator's address on the removal of the Senate from the old to the new Chamber. I would to God he was as good a Union man to-day as I think he was then: Such is our country; ay, and more — far more ted him, National Democratic ticket. Instead of dissolving the Union, we intend to lengthen it and to strengthen it. --Breckinridge. Where are his eloquent tones now? They are heard arraigning the Administration for what he conceives to be prematur
n to support--one distinct, single proposition in the bill. Mr. Breckinridge--I will state, in general terms, that every one of them is, inick out that one which is in your judgment most clearly so. Mr. Breckinridge--They are all, in my opinion, so equally atrocious that I dislor they are not all alike — they are not equally atrocious. Mr. Breckinridge--Very nearly. There are ten of them. The Senator can select insurrection or rebellion? He will not dare to say it is. Mr. Breckinridge--Mr. President, the Senator from Oregon is a very adroit debatoes not say a word about States. That is the first answer. Mr. Breckinridge--Does not the Senator know, in fact, that those States composetreason for which the Senator too often seeks to apologize. Mr. Breckinridge--I shall detain the Senate, sir, but a few moments in answer t from the Senator from California------ Mr. Baker--Oregon. Mr. Breckinridge--The Senator seems to have charge of the whole Pacific coast,
Doc. 173 1/2.-U. S. Executive Government, 1857-61. President.--James Buchanan, of Penn. Vice-President.--John C. Breckinridge, of Ky. Secretaries of State.--Lewis Cass, of Michigan; Jeremiah S. Black of Penn., appt. Dec. 17, 1860. Secretary of the Navy.--Isaac Toucey, of Conn. Secretaries of War.--John B. Floyd, of Va.; Joseph Holt, of Ky., appt. Jan. 18, 1861. Secretaries of the Treasury.--Howell Cobb, of Ga.; Philip F. Thomas, of Md., appt. Dec. 12, 1860; John A. Dix, of N. Y., appt. Jan. 11, 1861. Secretary of the Interior.--Jacob Thompson, of Miss. Postmasters-General.--Joseph Holt, of Ky.; Horatio King, of Me., appt. Feb. 12, 1861. Attorneys-General.--Jeremiah S. Black, of Penn.; Edwin M. Stanton, of Penn., appt. Dec. 20, 1860.