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Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Roundheads and Cavaliers. (search)
pert or to Peveril of the Peak? Or to go further back, if you look into the charming pages of Froissart, you do not find that Sir Robert de Namur tarred and feathered anybody; that John of Gaunt owned niggers ; that Sir Charles de Montmorency was addicted to cock-tails before breakfast, or that Lord Robert d'artois was a tavern-brawler. The fascinating chronicle tells you of honorable enterprises, noble adventures and deeds of arms; but such really do not remind you of anything done by Preston Brooks, or Henry A. Wise or John Tyler. Even if the English Cavaliers did plant Maryland and Virginia, which is not true, although so often and so confidently asserted, the condition of very considerable portions of both of those States would seem to indicate a sad deterioration of the blood, through the admixture of that of several Royal African houses and overthrown black Stuarts. With all their faults, neither few nor small, the English cavaliers were gentlemen, and did neither mean things
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The assassination. (search)
have read in any Southern newspaper, or to have heard from any Southern statesman, a disavowal of the championship of Preston Brooks? If so, he has been more fortunate than we have been. We know, from our own observation, that the perpetration of tt improved many occasions to speak eloquently and properly, gave sincere pleasure to more than one Southern leader. That Brooks meant murder, we have never doubted — the manner and the persistency of the assault would have proved so much in any police court this side of the Potomac. That Brooks, if he had accomplished murder, would have been indicted, tried, convicted and executed, he may think who pleases. The judicial record shows that the penalty imposed upon the culprit was shamefully disguilty. Many a man has gone to prison for life for precisely the same offense, and many, we suspect, for a lesser one. Mr. Brooks died in his bed, and outside the jail; and his mourning friends have erected to his green and fragrant memory a sky-poi
Printing-House Square will grin approbation at us, with his gaping, bloody mouth — the bulky bales will again fill our ships — the Patriarchs will again adorn and fortify our Legislative halls — dear, delightful internal, not to say infernal, commerce will be resumed — churches will flourish and missions will multiply — of ploughshares and pruning-hooks there will be no end in the land! Talk about conscience! We assert without fear of contradiction from any good Conservative of the Seymour-Brooks-Wood-en order, that no nation can afford to maintain a conscience. Conscience neither sows nor reaps, nor gathers into barns, nor lays up treasure on earth, nor spins nor owns ships. What do they care for conscience in Downing Street? Where would Louis Napoleon have been now, if instead of keeping two or three mistresses, he had been fool enough to keep a conscience? Tormented still by his tailor in a London garret! Of all ridiculous things in this ridiculous old world, thrice the mos
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The Contagion of Secession. (search)
rth could have but a fair chance of exercising their legitimate influence, we might consider with greater coolness the success of the Southern treason. But these men, after the accomplished dismemberment, would remain — would still be with us, though not of us — would be then as they are now, and as they always have been, the ready agents of Slavery, and the paid pimps of the Slaveholding interest. Establish a State upon the basis of Man-owning upon this continent, and the minds of Wood, Brooks, Seymour, and all that genus will gravitate towards it with all the force of a bad nature. Given these men in power, and the Northern Republic would be the bought, if not the born, thrall of the Davis Dynasty, ready in Cabinet and Congress to do its dirty and demoniac work-ready to catch its runaways — ready to wink at the revival of the African Slave trade — ready to join an alliance against the moral sense of mankind — ready to promote the Secession of the West from the East--ready for
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Union for the Union. (search)
Union for the Union. who could have thought that Northern Doughfaces had so much life in them?--that they would survive the bombardment of Fort Sumter?--that they would at last turn upon the Constitution, which they had professed to adore, and be ready to surrender the Union which they had pretended to reverence? Brooks & Co. are like Garrison, without Garrison's virtues and good conscience. We thought the Senate chamber purged of plantation insolence, and the well-weaponed Saulsbury starts up to convince us of our mistake — Saulsbury the Disunionist. We can imagine some rebellions Abraham — the Patriarch of Slavery, as Voltaire was the Patriarch of Infidelity — we see him reading his Northern newspaper, and grinning gloriously over his grog, as he peruses the Pro-Slavery journal! Nobody will mark more keenly than the Confederate observer, the opposition to the Administration which has been gathered by the concretion of all the dusty particles of a commercial self-interest. <
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Waiting for a Partner. (search)
ht? Who would expect them to display any extraordinary vigor in the field or to maintain the Constitution there with any tenacity? Nobody in his right mind. A Democratic Administration — we say it without fear of contradiction — would be a Peace-at-any-price Administration. Nothing better than semi-treason would be expected of it; nothing better than haggling, patching and most disreputable bargaining. Erring sisters, depart in peace! would be its legend. If the people choose to trust Brooks, Seymour) the Woods and men of like kidney with the adjustment of national differences, why the people are omnipotent and can do that in haste which they will bitterly rue at leisure. If the army be in the least demoralized and the progress of the war at all suspended, the fault lies at the door of the Democratic party. If it has done so much mischief out of office, of what will it not be capable in power? Wise and honest men, true lovers of the Union, would look with fear, trembling, dis
Index.  page Adams, Rev. Nehemiah58, 248 Average of Mankind188 Army, Patriotism of189 Abolition and Secession192 Americans in England251 Buchanan, James6, 7, 29, 32, 128, 129 Benton, Thomas, his estimate of John Y. Mason16 Bird, Rev. Milton80 Bancroft, George106 Bickley, K. G. C.111 Bliss, Seth136 Brooks, Preston182 Beaufort, the Bacchanal of197 Bodin on Slavery303 Butler, General317, 318, 320, 322 Burke, Edmund, an Emancipationist328 Bachelder, Dr., a Funny Physician312 Buxton, Fowell384 Choate, Rufus45, 58, 84 Choate, Rufus Scrambles of his Biographers102 Cumberland Presbyterian Church68 Cumberland Presbyterian Newspaper79 Columbia (S. C.), Bell-Ringing in125 Commons, House of, on Gregory's Motion168 Colleges, Southern172 Cotton, Moral Influence of201 Congress, The Confederate222, 238 Clergymen, Second--Hand224 Carlyle, Thomas323 Davis, Jefferson42, 274, 279, 282, 283, 288, 380, 388, 3
is oration in 1845 on The true grandeur of nations attracted attention even in England. With his election to the United States Senate, in 1851, at the age of forty, he stepped forward to a position of national leadership. Before and after the war few national figures aroused more opposition in the South than Charles Sumner. He created a storm in 1856 by his speech in the Senate on The crime against Kansas, in which he reflected on South Carolina and on Senator Butler from that State. Preston Brooks, a South Carolina Representative and a relative of Butler, found Sumner alone at his desk in the Senate Chamber, and beat him over the head with a cane until Sumner fell senseless to the floor, receiving spinal injuries from which he never entirely recovered. Sumner, when able some years later to return to his seat, continued his opposition to slavery, and was prominent in securing to the freedmen citizenship and the ballot. No later than 1874, true patriotism had succeeded passion so
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Eleventh: his death, and public honors to his memory. (search)
n easy-chair, and with him were three gentlemen. He introduced them to me, one as Captain John Brown, of Ossawattamie. They were speaking of this assault by Preston Brooks, and Mr. Sumner remarked: The coat I had on at that time is in that closet. The collar is stiff with blood. You can see it if you please. Captain John Browery ambitious and impure motive! his domestic life assailed, and all the urns of scorn, and hatred, and billingsgate and falsehood emptied on his head! And when Brooks' club struck him down in the Senate Chamber, there were hundreds of thousands to cry, Good for him—served him right! When the speaker saw such a man as Charles ved so well and worked for so long and faithfully. Indeed, he may be called a martyr to his devotion to human rights; for his death is traceable to the assault Mr. Brooks made upon him in the Senate Chamber. He was a tall, handsome, strongly built man; but the injuries he then received laid him on a bed of sickness for years, ca
tal, and murderous assault. But many a man who did not raise his voice in public at that time took a vow of hostility in his heart against the institution which prompted that assassination. Once, while Mr. Sumner was here in Boston, still suffering from those injuries, I called at his house in Hancock Street. He was resting in an easy-chair, and with him were three gentlemen. He introduced them to me, one as Captain John Brown, of Ossawattamie. They were speaking of this assault by Preston Brooks, and Mr. Sumner remarked: The coat I had on at that time is in that closet. The collar is stiff with blood. You can see it if you please. Captain John Brown arose, went to the closet, slowly opened the door, carefully took down the coat and looked at it for a few moments with the reverence with which a Roman Catholic regards the relics of a saint. Perhaps the sight caused him to feel a still deeper horror of slavery, and to take a stronger resolution of attacking it in its stronghold
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