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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 54 0 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 6 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: July 1, 1861., [Electronic resource] 4 0 Browse Search
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Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Sixth joint debate, at Quincy, October 13, 1858. (search)
t, because it is not religion. Then where is the place to oppose it? There is no suitable place to oppose it. There is no plan in the country to oppose this evil overspreading the continent, which you say yourself is coming. Frank Blair and Gratz Brown tried to get up a system of gradual emancipation in Missouri, had an election in August and got beat, and you, Mr. Democrat, threw up your hat, and hallooed hurra for Democracy. So I say again, that in regard to the arguments that are made, w northern ambition, against southern people, southern States, and southern institutions, and its only hope of success is by that appeal. Mr. Lincoln goes on to justify himself in making a war upon slavery, upon the ground that Frank Blair and Gratz Brown did not succeed in their warfare upon the institutions in Missouri. Frank Blair was elected to Congress in 1856, from the State of Missouri, as a Buchanan Democrat, and he turned Freemonter after the people elected him, thus belonging to one
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., The last joint debate, at Alton, October 15, 1858. (search)
ecurity of my place. There is no place to talk about it as being a wrong, although you say yourself it is a wrong. But finally you will screw yourself up to the belief that if the people of the slave States should adopt a system of gradual emancipation on the slavery question, you would be in favor of it. You would be in favor of it. You say that is getting it in the right place, and you would be glad to see it succeed. But you are deceiving yourself. You all know that Frank Blair and Gratz Brown, down there in St. Louis, undertook to introduce that system in Missouri. They fought as valiantly as they could for the system of gradual emancipation which you pretend you would be glad to see succeed. Now I will bring you to the test. After a hard fight they were beaten, and when the news came over here you threw up your hats and hurraed for Democracy. More than that, take all the argument made in favor of the system you have proposed, and it carefully excludes the idea that there i
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
made ineffectual efforts to have repealed ever since he entered the Senate. He moved, Jan. 13, 1864, a special committee on slavery and freedmen, and became its chairman. His Republican associates were Howard of Michigan, Pomeroy of Kansas, Gratz Brown of Missouri, and Conness of California. He introduced a bill to repeal all fugitive—slave acts, which was referred to the committee; and its first report was a bill for the repeal, accompanied by an elaborate argument against the constitutiotively. Sumner's deep regret at this result is expressed in his letter, April 23, 1864, printed in W. L. Garrison's Life, vol. IV. p. 118. Sumner still wished the bill carried, notwithstanding its exclusion of the Act of 1793 from repeal; but Brown and Conness of his committee refused to support it after the amendment had passed, and it was laid aside. Two months later, however, a bill as broad as the one reported by Sumner's committee passed the House and reached the Senate. Sumner repor
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
most earnest support in the Western senators, Wade, Chandler, Harlan, Howe, Lane, Wilkinson, and Brown—the first two of whom forgot in this debate the requirements of good manners. When Sumner suggeamendment as likely to involve a sacrifice of the bill, and it received only five votes—those of Brown, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, Pomeroy, and Sumner. Even Hale waived his conscientious scruples and went for expediency, and Wilson also voted against the amendment. After the Senate had passed Brown's substitute, which omitted the emancipation clause of the House bill, Sumner moved an amendment coess shall have declared it entitled to representation; but it obtained only eight votes—those of Brown, Conness, Grimes, Howard, Sprague, Stewart, Sumner, and Wade. On the 24th Sumner renewed his ef Works, vol. IX. pp. 311-328, give extracts from the debate. The five Republican senators (Brown, Chandler, Howard, Sumner, and Wade) and seven Democratic senators voted together on the dilator<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
nd Yates referred to Sumner in very complimentary terms. Sumner's substitute received eight votes—his own and those of Brown, Chandler, Howe, Pomeroy, Wade, and Wilson. Henderson's proposition of an amendment to the Constitution, forbidding the ed by a vote of twenty-five yeas to twenty-two nays—not two-thirds in favor of it. The Republicans voting against it were Brown, Dixon, Henderson, Lane of Kansas, Pomeroy, Stewart, Sumner, and Yates. Sprague of Rhode Island had intended to vote ang his own colleague to his side. Wilson gave his reasons, Dec. 19, 1866 (Congressional Globe, p. 192), for his vote. Brown closed the debate, declaring his conviction against discrimination of race or color in the groundwork of reconstruction. ars before. He had recourse in the spring to medical treatment for cerebral and nervous troubles, which was applied by Dr. Brown-Sequard, then sojourning in the United States. Longfellow wrote to a common friend, G. W. Greene: This relapse is a wa
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?1866-1867. (search)
ndeavor to impute inconsistency to Sumner, into misstatements, which he was obliged to withdraw. The Senate, prompted largely by the desire to increase the Republican majority in that body, voted to take up the bill against Sumner's opposition. Brown moved the amendment for equal suffrage, irrespective of race or color, to be assented to by a majority of the voters, which Sumner had moved at the previous session. Wade and Sherman resisted it, urging that there were but few colored people in ht, six feet and three inches, and his weight, as one hundred and ninety pounds, with Sumner's height as the same, and thirty pounds greater weight. On the 9th, just as the vote was being taken, Wade called on the friends of the bill to vote down Brown's amendment, and Sumner called on all the friends of human freedom to support it; it received only eight votes. Edmunds's amendment, which imposed impartial suffrage as a condition, without requiring a popular or legislative acceptance, and ther
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 54: President Grant's cabinet.—A. T. Stewart's disability.—Mr. Fish, Secretary of State.—Motley, minister to England.—the Alabama claims.—the Johnson-Clarendon convention.— the senator's speech: its reception in this country and in England.—the British proclamation of belligerency.— national claims.—instructions to Motley.—consultations with Fish.—political address in the autumn.— lecture on caste.—1869. (search)
ner's letters—favors charily given by him—which opened to them the hospitalities of Stafford House and Chiswick House. Here Mr. Fish met Motley the historian. Correspondence of J. L Motley, vol. i. p. 261. Mr. and Mrs. Fish expressed their thanks for his attentions to their daughters, then school girls in Paris, whom he called upon when his wounds from the application of the moxa compelled abstinence from society. Some weeks later, on their visit to that city, when he was still under Dr. Brown-Sequard's treatment, they made a call of sympathy upon him; and meeting again in Paris the same year, he was their guest at their family Thanksgiving dinner. Letters were passing between them and him while he was at Montpellier and in Italy; and one of his warmest welcomes on his return home, with health restored, was from them. These incidents have been noted here, to be recalled when it will be pertinent to remark what is due to a friendship, even after it is broken. Mr. Fish's appo
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
t as a friend, at a time when it was of the utmost possible importance to criticise without weakening it, and asking if he could not have substituted private remonstrance with the President. The strain of the San Domingo contest had a serious effect on the senator's health. During a good part of the winter he suffered from an affection of the throat or lungs. He had come regretfully to the controversy, and the bitterness which it brought out made him unhappy. He wrote, February 5, to Dr. Brown-Sequard, who had just arrived in the country: I am weary and old, and much disheartened by the course of our President, who is not the man we supposed. On the 14th and 15th he pressed a mass of business on the Senate from his committee, and on the 18th was seized with a severe illness, during which he suffered a violent attack of the angina pectoris, —a paroxysm on the chest, embracing heart and left arm,—the revival of his old disease, which had been dormant since 1859. Except some sy
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
by a journey to Europe; and he yielded reluctantly to their decision, induced to do so in part by the desire to consult Dr. Brown-Sequard, who was then supposed to be in Paris. A journalist, Charles T. Congdon, who as an editor in New Bedford andoyage, the galleries be intended to visit, the rest from work before him, and the expectation of meeting his physician, Dr. Brown-Sequard, in Paris. His first anxiety as he reached the ship was, as always in his voyages, to see if his berth was lonth, enjoying various diversions and afar from home politics, he seemed to gain strength. To his great regret he missed Dr. Brown-Sequard, who had suddenly gone to the United States to take up his residence there. He rigidly abstained from the sligion was raised for the benefit of the shipwrecked seamen and their rescuers. After a day or two in New York to consult Dr. Brown— Sequard, and a night with Mr. Furness in Philadelphia, he went to Washington on the 29th. It was the day that Mr. Gre
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 58: the battle-flag resolution.—the censure by the Massachusetts Legislature.—the return of the angina pectoris. —absence from the senate.—proofs of popular favor.— last meetings with friends and constituents.—the Virginius case.—European friends recalled.—1872-1873. (search)
om the Senate for the remainder of the session. He was under the general medical direction of Dr. Brown-Sequard, then in New York, to whom he sent daily reports, and under the immediate care of Dr. red severe attacks of angina pectoris, sometimes continuing for several hours. His record for Dr. Brown-Sequard, February 13, was:— Before bed took bromide of potassium; did not sleep, and at reasing sense of health. The potions of strychnine ended July 11. At the close of the month, Dr. Brown-Sequard returned to Europe, and medical treatment for the present ended. The doctor seemed e, salary to proof-readers at Cambridge, my doctor's bills (two daily visits for months), with Dr. Brown-Sequard's accounts; also poor relations. A maternal aunt, who was dependent upon him, survi incurred in his recent journey to Europe. His subject was to be The Unity of the Republic. Dr. Brown-Sequard thought him equal to the effort; but there was a general remonstrance among his friend
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