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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
reply: The hand that feeds us! The hand that feeds us! Sir, no hand feeds me that has any right to control my opinions. This passage between Hillard and Dana was often referred to at the time. Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. i. pp. 237, 238. Bryant, in the New York Evening Post, denounced these assaults as an infamous attempt at coercion, and the shameless avowal of a spirit both tyrannical and mercenary, . . . . making political principles a matter of bargain and sale. Horace Mann, in td permanent ends,—never of a partisan looking to the distribution of the spoils. April 25. The antislavery people through the free States received the tidings with profound gratitude. Their leaders—Chase, Giddings, Seward, the Jays, Whittier, Bryant, Parker, Parker's letter is printed in his Life by Weiss, vol. II. pp. 111, 112. and many more— sent hearty messages of congratulation to the new senator. Few omitted to observe that Massachusetts had put the seal of disapproval on Webster'<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
I see nothing certain in the Presidential horizon. In all my meditations I revert with new regret to the attempted reconciliation in 1849 in your State. Without that we should now control the free States. I read carefully and enjoyed much Mr. Bryant's address. On J. Fenimore Cooper, Feb. 25, 1852, at a meeting of which Mr. Webster was chairman, called to raise funds for a monument to the novelist. Sumner's reply to the invitation to attend the meeting is printed in his Works, vol. IIIpicuous for violent language, and entitling it to a permanent place in the future discussion of the slavery question in all its aspects. J. E. Worcester, author of the Dictionary, wrote with admiration of its ability and excellent spirit. William C. Bryant said it was the only thing which preserved the character of the Senate. Timothy Walker, of Cincinnati, a conservative jurist, thought it not only the ablest of Sumner's efforts, but the ablest exposition of that side of the question he had
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
ort of the finality platforms or acquiesced in silence. Horace Greeley, in the New York Tribune, supported the Whig nominations, but refused to accept the Compromise platform as of binding authority. The New York Evening Post, conducted by W. C. Bryant and John Bigelow, supported the Democratic candidates while rejecting the Democratic platform. Thaddeus Stevens, in Pennsylvania, a Whig, while voting for the candidates of his party, persevered in repudiating the Compromise. Politicians, even those who had been noted for antislavery professions, assumed the degrading obligations imposed at Baltimore. The New York Barnburners—W. C. Bryant, B. F. Butler, Mr. Butler is not to be confounded with another of the same name who had a political career in Massachusetts and in Congress. John Van Buren, S. J. Tilden, and H. B. Stanton—turned their backs on those noble protests for freedom which made 1848 an illustrious year in American annals, and supported the Democratic finality candidat
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
he nature of the issue; but February had not advanced far before the alarm and indignation were general. The first important popular protest came from a meeting of the business men of New York, January 30, most of whom had supported the Compromise of 1850, held in the Broadway Tabernacle. Among the letters read at the meeting was one from Sumner. Another large meeting was held at the same place March 14, which was addressed by John A. King, Robert Emmett, William Curtis Noves, and William C. Bryant. Nowhere did the feeling become more intense and pervasive than in Massachusetts. The Whig journals, allied to the commercial interest, though reserved in any discussion of the evils and wrong of slavery itself, contended in elaborate and earnest articles that the Nebraska bill was a breach of faith, and that the Compromise of 1850, instead of superseding, as Douglas pretended, only strengthened and affirmed the Missouri prohibition. The Advertiser and Journal had supported the Com
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 39: the debate on Toucey's bill.—vindication of the antislavery enterprise.—first visit to the West.—defence of foreign-born citizens.—1854-1855. (search)
those he expressed in Massachusetts,—a charge to which he replied by letter to that journal, Nov. 16, 1855. He wrote to William Jay, October 7:— My longing is for concord among men of all parties, in order to give solidity to our position. For this I am willing to abandon everything except the essential principle. Others many have the offices if the principle can be maintained. I suppose Banks will be the Northern candidate for Speaker; he has a genius for the place as marked as Bryant in poetry. You will observe an advantage which the South will have in the next House from the experience of Stephens and Cobb, re-elected from Georgia, and the whole late delegation of Virginia, while most of our Northern men will be fresh. We seem to approach success; but I shall not be disappointed if we are again baffled. Our cause is so great that it can triumph only slowly; but its triumph is sure. To John Jay, October 18:— The K. N.'s here behave badly. Our contest seems <
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
ommunicated to him the sympathies of the people of that State. The public indignation found expression in meetings of citizens through the free States, as well in small communities as in great cities. An immense concourse of citizens assembled in the Broadway Tabernacle, in the city of New York. Those unable to gain admission held a meeting in the space in front of the Tabernacle. Among the officers and speakers were eminent lawyers, merchants, clergymen,—Daniel Lord, Charles King, W. C. Bryant, and Henry Ward Beecher. W. M. Evarts moved the resolutions which, after reciting with accuracy the circumstances of the assault, tendered to Sumner sympathy in the personal outrage; but as his grievance and wounds were not of private concern only, they recognized and resented every blow which fell upon his head as an insult and injury to our honor and dignity as a people, and a vital attack upon the Constitution of the Union. The series of resolutions thus ended, with a universal resp
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, chapter 14 (search)
the great nervous central column, not as an extension to that region of the malady of the latter, nor as an independent local disease of those nerves. In June and July Sumner passed the greater part of the time in his bed, unable even to take the air in a drive. He saw few persons, as it was difficult for him to move about; and indeed lie had little heart for society. Among his American callers were Mr. Woods,—always ready with kind offices for him, as for all fellow-countrymen,—William C. Bryant, Professor Felton, George Bemis, Thomas N. Dale, and Mrs. Ritchie of Boston; and among English friends full of sympathy whom he met were Mr. and Mrs. Grote, Madame du Quaire, Madame Molh, Mr. and Mrs. Browning, and Mrs. Jameson. He wrote to Longfellow, July 19; My chief solace latterly has been in seeing Mrs. Jameson, whose conversation is clear, instructive, and most friendly, and in the Brownings; all of these have been full of kindness for me, and I like them all very much. In Au
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
y Owen Lovejoy, brother of the abolitionist killed at Alton. John Bigelow of the Evening Post, who was more in sympathy with Sumner's views than his associates Bryant and Godwin, wrote, June 27, that while appreciating the doubt whether such a speech might not inflame the hostility of the enemies of freedom more than the enthusrd Howe in the New York Tribune, November 16. Sumner, as usual, was more sensitive than he need to have been to the criticisms of old friends like Greeley and Bryant, and to the want of response from others; and in a letter to Gerrit Smith, June 11, he mentioned how much he missed Horace Mann, William Jay, and Theodore Parkercket, R. I., and New Haven, Conn. Leaving home for Washington November 27, Sumner stopped in New York to repeat his lecture at Cooper Institute, where, with Mr. Bryant in the chair, it was received with the same favor as his address in the summer at the same place. The passage which held up Lafayette as steadfast against co