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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
from the list several between whom and himself many letters had passed. One from Mr. Daveis, of Portland, in 1847, broke a long interval, urging Sumner to attend that year the dinner of the Society of the Cincinnati in Boston, with whom he had last met in 1844. It is perhaps worthy of note that Alexander H. Everett, 1792-1847. as appears by a letter to Sumner just before leaving the country for his mission to China, where he died a year later, named Sumner without his knowledge to Mr. Buchanan, then Secretary of State, for the post of chief clerk in his department, which it was expected would soon be made that of assistant secretary of State. The circumstance shows Mr. Everett's appreciation of Sumner's character and attainments. Sumner had friendly relations with Henry C. Carey, 1793-1879. of Philadelphia, and in 1847 read the proofs of the latter's book, entitled The Past, the Present, and the Future. He induced the author to modify some of his propositions on slaver
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 34: the compromise of 1850.—Mr. Webster. (search)
in the slave States. This was not indeed the wisdom of the period itself, but an afterthought of a generation later. The makers of the Compromise professed to be seeking, not a truce, but a final pacification. But whether their scheme proved to have even this incidental advantage, not claimed or foreseen by them, must always remain a matter of pure speculation. If the loyal people were in numbers and resources relatively stronger in 1860 than in 1850, on the other hand the pro-slavery party had during the intervening decade, under the administrations of Pierce and Buchanan, used diligently its opportunity to spread the virus of disunion, solidify opinion, concert action, corrupt officers of the army and navy, and dispose the materials of war in a way to give the insurrection the advantage at its beginning. The South was united and prepared in 1860 as it was not in 1850, and the government was at the outset in the means of resistance weaker at the later than at the earlier period.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
udge of Probate for persisting in holding, in violation of a statute of the State, the two offices of United States commissioner and judge of a State court. President Buchanan, in recognition of his service in the rendition of Burns, promptly appointed him a judge of the United States Court of Claims. He held that office till 187 as it was understood by others or interpreted by any authority, and cited as explicitly sustaining his position the declarations of President Jackson and James Buchanan, and turning to Mason and Butler, asked them if they dissented from it. But though he paused for a reply, none came. He then said:— Now, in this interpretthe coast of Cuba. But the effort will be made again at the next session, and again I shall oppose it. The portentous question now is connected with Cuba. Buchanan, Mason. and Soule, under instructions from Pierce, met in October, 1854, at Ostend and Aix-la-Chapelle, to plot for the acquisition of Cuba, and issued the famo
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
ous case of Michigan, with the sanction of high Democratic authority,—Jackson, Buchanan, and even Pierce himself. Of Butler's absurd proposition to serve a warrant on June the Democratic national convention, meeting at Cincinnati, nominated James Buchanan for President, Brooks was dissuaded from going to Cincinnati, as his presand plurality, and nearly fifty thousand majority over the combined votes for Buchanan and Fillmore. Burlingame was re-elected by a very small majority over Williambeginning,—called for the special purpose of acting on the nominations of President Buchanan, who then succeeded to the office. He was placed on the committee on te; New York Evening Post, January 30, 31: New York Independent, February 5. James Buchanan, President-elect, who had arrived in Washington, took pains of his own motiribune, February 2.) Brooks had been his partisan in the election of 1856, and Buchanan had been an apologist for the assault. (Wilson's History, vol. II. p. 490: S<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 41: search for health.—journey to Europe.—continued disability.—1857-1858. (search)
. Everything there seems to portend great changes soon. The present unnatural system of compression cannot endure always. Our politics here continue convulsed by the eternal slavery question; and this will not end until justice prevails. Mr. Buchanan has disappointed large numbers of his supporters by the extent to which he has gone in behalf of slavery. Many expected from him greater moderation; for myself I am not disappointed. He is essentially a politician rather than a statesman, an Spain follow the example of other European powers, and now of Russia,—and declare emancipation in her colonies? This would do more to settle the slavery question than any blow ever before struck. It would at once take Cuba from the field of Mr. Buchanan's lawless desires, and destroy the aliment of filibusters; besides it would be an act of noble justice, as well as of wise statesmanship. I notice the publication of M. Guizot's memoirs, and look forward to their perusal with great interest
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
f the Thirty-sixth Congress), the Senate now occupying the new chamber in the extension of the Capitol, of which it had taken possession in the spring. Three years and a half had passed since he withdrew from active duty. During that period Buchanan had succeeded Pierce,—a change of administration, but not of policy; the Supreme Court had proclaimed, in the Dred Scott case, the sanctity of slavery in the national territory, beyond the power of the inhabitants as well as of Congress to exclu issues of temporary and local interest were disappearing, and the Republican party was uniting into one force the liberty-loving voters of the free States, with the probability of success in 1860; the pro-slavery party, with the co-operation of Buchanan and Douglas, had been conspiring to strengthen itself by the acquisition of Cuba; the threats of disunion, once idle words, or words uttered in order to force into submission a timorous North, had come to express a definite and organized purpose