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the domestic sea was troubled. a retrospect. Lincoln's want of speculation. his superstition. reading the life of Edmund Burke. his scientific notions. writing the book against Christianity. recollections of Lincoln's views by old friends. ssuggestion that it was entirely too heavy for an ordinary mind to digest. In 1856 I purchased in New York a life of Edmund Burke. I have forgotten now who the author was, but I remember I read it through in a short time. One morning Lincoln came's like all the others. Biographies as generally written are not only misleading, but false. The author of this life of Burke makes a wonderful hero out of his subject. He magnifies his perfections — if he had any — and suppresses his imperfections. He is so faithful in his seal and so lavish in praise of his every act that one is almost driven to believe that Burke never made a mistake or a failure in his life. He lapsed into a brown study, but presently broke out again, Billy, I've wond
Anger is a fierce and sudden flame, which may be kindled in the noblest breasts; but in these the slow droppings of an unforgiving temper never take the shape and consistency of enduring hatred. The natural instincts of a generous heart shrink from an inveterate hater as the child shrinks from the snake in his path. The enemies of General McClellan, in the persistency and malignity of their attacks, furnish a key to unlock their own characters. As for him, he will remember, to borrow what Burke said of Fox, that obloquy is a necessary ingredient in the composition of all true glory; he will remember that it was not only in the Roman customs, but it is in the nature and constitution of things, that calumny and abuse are essential parts of triumph. These thoughts will support a mind which exists only for honor, under the burden of temporary reproach. And if detraction has been the meed of patriotic faith, if persecution has been the reward of arduous service, if calumny has followe
ates, in which it now exists, shall be received by this House, or entertained in any way whatever. On this proposition, the votes were — Yeas 114; Nays 108--several Northern Democrats and some Southern Whigs voting with all the Northern Whigs in the minority. The members from the Free States, twenty-eight in all (all Democrats but Proffit, a Tylerized Whig), who voted for this resolve, were as follows: Maine.--Virgil D. Parris, Albert Smith.--New Hampshire.--Charles G. Atherton, Edmund Burke, Ira A. Eastman, Tristram Shaw.--New York.--Nehemiah II. Earle, John Fine, Nathaniel Jones, Gouverneur Kemble, James de la Montanya, John H. Prentiss, Theron R. Strong. Pennsylvania.--John Davis, Joseph Fornance, James Gerry, George McCullough, David Petriken, William S. Ramsay. Ohio.--D. P. Leadbetter, William Medill, Isaac Parrish, George Sweeney, Jonathan Taylor, John B. Weller. Indiana.--John Davis, George H. Proffit.--Illinois.--John Reynolds. In a little more than ten years aft
owa, in quick time, and fell upon the enemy's right flank, and poured into it a murderous fire, killing or wounding nearly every man within sixty or seventy yards. From this moment, a perfect rout took place throughout the Rebel front, while ours, on the right flank, continued to pour a galling fire into their disorganized masses. It was then evident that Totten's battery and Steele's little battalion were safe. Among the officers conspicuous in leading this assault were Adj. Hezcock, Capts. Burke, Miller, Maunter, Maurice, and Richardson, and Lieut. Howard, all of the 1st Missouri. There were others of tie 1st Kansas and 1st Iowa who participated, and whose names I do not remember. The enemy then fled from the field. A few moments before the close of the engagement, the 2d Kansas, which had firmly maintained its position, on the extreme right, from the time it was first sent there, found its ammunition exhausted, and I directed it to withdraw slowly, and in good order, from t
heir means to equip a force sufficient to capture the capital, half filled as it was with traitors and lukewarm officials. General Cullum, who was then on the staff of Lieutenant-General Scott, writes as follows: It was doubtless the design of the rebels to procure arms there (Harper's Ferry) and move on Baltimore. Washington was doubtless the ultimate point of attack; but the whole rebel project failed by the destruction of the arms at Harper's Ferry. If these views are correct, is it not probable that not only the capital, but the nation, was thus saved? For if the traitors had then obtained possession of Washington, the concession of belligerent rights by France and England would have been promptly followed by unconditional recognition, and the bastard progeny of rebellion — to quote the language of Edmund Burke, similarly applied — begotten in a drunken delirium, produced by hot spirits drawn from the alembic of hell, would have become legitimatized by a successful revoluti
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 3. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 2.9 (search)
and brave men disdained to retaliate by imitating the cruel deeds of the malignant Sherman, Sheridan and Grant and their hordes of reckless ruffians. We have just reason to be proud of the magnanimous conduct of our peerless leader, while the Yankees must hang their heads in shame at the evil deeds perpetrated by their chosen commanders. In Southern parlance, the terms soldier and gentleman are synonymous, and our officers and men pride themselves upon that chastity of honor, which, as Edmund Burke expressed it, feels a stain like a wound. February 27th A party of ninety or one hundred officers and a few hundred privates were paroled and left for Richmond. Some of the officers bribed Ahl and Wolf with gold watches and greenbacks to put their names on the paroled list. Influential Northern friends aided others, and a few sold their places and remained behind. February 28th One hundred and three officers, of those earliest captured, were paroled to-day for exchange. We
ts of one state or country or a number of states or countries. When the convention of the colony of Virginia, in 1774, instructed their delegates to the Congress that was to meet in Philadelphia, to obtain a redress of those grievances, without which the people of America can neither be safe, free, nor happy, it was certainly not intended to convey the idea that the people of the American continent, or even of the British colonies in America, constituted one political community. Nor did Edmund Burke have any such meaning when he said, in his celebrated speech in Parliament in 1775, The people of the colonies are descendants of Englishmen. We need go no further than to the familiar language of King James's translation of the Bible for multiplied illustrations of this indiscriminate use of the term, both in its collective and distributive senses. For example, King Solomon prays at the dedication of the temple: That thine eyes may be open unto the supplication .... of thy people
sion came the separation of the colonies from the mother-country. The same thing is being attempted to-day. Not the law, not the civil magistrate, but troops, are relied upon now to execute the laws. To gather taxes in the Southern ports, the army and navy must be sent to perform the functions of magistrates. It is the old case over again. Senators of the North, you are reenacting the blunders which statesmen in Great Britain committed; but among you there are some who, like Chatham and Burke, though not of our section, yet are vindicating our rights. I have heard, with some surprise, for it seemed to me idle, the repetition of the assertion heretofore made, that the cause of the separation was the election of Mr. Lincoln. It may be a source of gratification to some gentlemen that their friend is elected; but no individual had the power to produce the existing state of things. It was the purpose, the end, it was the declaration by himself and his friends, which constitute th
Extract from report of conference with Lincoln, 289. Brown, John, 27,36, 70. Brown, Joseph E., Letter from Davis concerning conscription law, 434-39. Brown, William J., 18. Buchanan, James, Pres. of U. S., 31, 47, 48, 50, 51, 161, 181, 182, 183, 185, 186, 188, 212, 228-29, 233, 234, 355, 427. Buckner, Gen. S. B., 342, 348, 350, 351. Bull Run, Battle of, 300-321. Extracts from narrative of Gen. Early, 322-28. Extract from reminiscences of Col. Lay, 329. Burke, Edmund, 107. Burlamagui, —, 120, 121. Burt, Colonel, 376, 377. Butler, Gen. B. F. Occupation of Federal Hill in Baltimore, 289. C Cabell, Gen. W. L., 303, 329-30. Cabot, George, 8, 60, 61, 63. Calhoun, John C., 115, 131, 429. Death, 13. Extract from address in Senate, 47-48. Advocate of nullification, 190. California, 33, 214. Admission, 9, 12, 18. Cameron, Simon, 285. Camp Jackson, Mo., 356-58. Campbell, J. A. P. Extract from letter concerning Davis, 20
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Annexed Territory, status of. (search)
new doctrine, that our Congress and executive have powers not derived from the Constitution, and are subject to no restraint or limitations in the Territories, save such as they may impose upon themselves? Are the civil rights of the dwellers on the mainland well secured against the insidious under-wear of greed and ambition, while we deny to the island dwellers, who are held to a strict allegiance, the only sure defence that civil rights can have — the guarantees of constitutional law? Burke saw in the absolute powers claimed for Parliament, in the American colonies, danger to the liberties of Parliament itself. As so often quoted, he said: For we are convinced, beyond a doubt, that a system of dependence which leaves no security to the people for any part of their freedom in their own hands, cannot be established in any inferior member of the British Empire without consequently destroying the freedom of that very body in favor of whose boundless pretensions such a scheme
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