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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 126 0 Browse Search
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1 115 1 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 14. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 94 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 64 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 42 0 Browse Search
Edward Alfred Pollard, The lost cause; a new Southern history of the War of the Confederates ... Drawn from official sources and approved by the most distinguished Confederate leaders. 38 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 36 2 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 34 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 28 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 24 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for John C. Calhoun or search for John C. Calhoun in all documents.

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e of slaves obstructed and diminished manumissions with a view to colonization, the class of subjects for deportation to Africa steadily fell off in numbers, and in the quality of those composing it. When, at last, the South, under the lead of Mr. Calhoun, quite generally adopted the novel and extraordinary doctrine of the essential righteousness and signal beneficence of Slavery — when the relation of life-long servitude and utter subjugation to the will of a master was declared the true, natu idea of liberating individuals or families from this subjugation, and sending them from peaceful, plentiful, and prosperous America to benighted, barbarous, and inhospitable Africa, became, in this view, a transparent absurdity. No disciple of Calhoun could be a logical, consistent colonizationist, any more than a follower of Garrison and Wendell Phillips. The constantly and widely diverging currents of American opinion soon left the Colonization movement hopelessly stranded. The teachings
Nullification Hayne Webster Jackson Calhoun Georgia and the Indiana. So long as the pstrious son was born; while the father of John C. Calhoun died when his son was still in his early ding politicians, decided to support Jackson, Calhoun fell out of the race, but was made Vice-Presinctions of our Federal Government, found in Mr. Calhoun and his personal adherents their most thoroher National school of politicians, headed by Calhoun and McDuffie, and the Radicals, whose chief wtroversy. Yet but few years elapsed before Mr. Calhoun and his trusty henchman, McDuffie, appearedonal projects they had hitherto supported! Mr. Calhoun attempted, some years afterward, to reconci resolved and entered. General Jackson and Mr. Calhoun had become estranged and hostile not long areadiness for action at a moment's notice. Mr. Calhoun resigned the Vice-Presidency when he had thng away, certain commissioners, selected by Mr. Calhoun, then Secretary of War, attempted to obtain[9 more...]
endiary matter through the mails, was referred by the Senate to a Select Committee, whereof John C. Calhoun was Chairman. The perilous scope of any such legislation was at once clear to the keen intse — a more decisive hostility was resolved on by the champions of Slavery, under the lead of Mr. Calhoun. On the presentation, by Mr. Fairfield, of Maine (December 16, 1835), of the petition of oo 6. Mr. Morris, of Ohio, soon after presented similar memorials from his State; whereupon Mr. Calhoun raised the question of reception, declaring that the petitions just read contained a gross, f the State of South Carolina. After a long and spirited debate, mainly by Southern senators, Mr. Calhoun's motion to reject was defeated by a vote to receive the petition — Yeas 35, Nays 10, as folley, Southard, Swift, Tallmadge, Tipton, Tomlinson, Wall, Webster, Wright. Nays: Messrs. Black, Calhoun, Cuthbert, Leigh, Moore, Nicholas, Porter, Preston, Walker, White. In the House, Februar
on to this country, as a new make-weight in Mr. Calhoun's scheme of a perpetual balance of power beh of February, 1844, and was succeeded by John C. Calhoun, who prosecuted the scheme still more opemember of Congress, now an ardent disciple of Calhoun and a partisan of John Tyler, by whom he was omination, and secure, if possible, that of Mr. Calhoun instead; and it doubtless exerted a strong set forth the objections to Messrs. Tyler and Calhoun's Treaty of Annexation, on the ground of its . Mr. Tyler was still President, with John C. Calhoun as Secretary of State, and would so remaiid before it, among others, a dispatch from Mr. Calhoun, dated August 12, 1844, to Hon. William R. nd throughout the whole of this continent. Mr. Calhoun assumed that Great Britain was intent on Abcontinent, to her own degraded level. Says Mr. Calhoun: In order to regain her superiority, shples throughout the world. The dispatch of Mr. Calhoun to France, with one or two others of like p[3 more...]
n the Senate were cast against this bill, though several members (among them Mr. Calhoun) refused to vote on it at all; and a motion in the House to strike out the pe surrendered to the domination and uses of Slavery? It was well known that Mr. Calhoun had elaborated a new dogma adapted to the exigency, whereby the Federal Cons On its being taken up, Mr. Dixon H. Lewis, of Alabama (a close adherent of Mr. Calhoun), moved that the Proviso aforesaid be stricken out; whereupon Mr. John Davison the first ballot, to 55 for James Buchanan, 53 for Levi Woodbury, 9 for John C. Calhoun, 6 for Gen. Worth, and 3 for Geo. M. Dallas. On the fourth ballot, Gen. C which resulted in an address to their constituents, drafted and reported by Mr. Calhoun; which resulted in nothing. The House Committee on the District, being Pro-hich it was generally adopted. This was carried by 33 Yeas — including Messrs. Calhoun, Jefferson Davis, John Bell, Benton, and every member present from the Sla
egation of the principle aforesaid, were awkward facts; and, though the President himself could not be justly accused of doing or saying any thing clearly objectionable, yet each successive State election of 1849 indicated a diminished and declining popularity on the part of the new Administration. Neither Mr. Webster nor Gov. Seward had a seat in Gen. Taylor's Cabinet, though either, doubtless, might have had, had he desired it. Mr. Webster remained in the Senate, where Messrs. Clay and Calhoun still lingered, and Gov. Seward first took his seat in that body on the day of Gen. Taylor's inauguration. The proper organization of the spacious territories recently acquired from Mexico necessarily attracted the early and earnest attention of the new President and his official counselors. It could not be justifiably postponed; for the military rule that had thus far been endured by those territories, exceptional at best, had been rendered anomalous and indefensible by the lapse of a
he dwellers in seaboard cities, was this view cherished with intense, intolerant vehemence. The Compromise had been violently opposed alike from the South and from the North--of course, on opposite grounds. The Fire-Eaters, or disciples of Mr. Calhoun, regarded it as surrendering the substance of all that was in dispute — the newly acquired territories — to the North, while amusing the South with a mere shadow of triumph in the waiver of any positive, peremptory exclusion of Slavery therefr Alabama, likewise, chose a Union Legislature, and a Union majority of Congressmen. Louisiana, this year, elected a Whig Auditor and Legislature — meaning much the same thing. And even South Carolina--having been summoned by her chieftains (Mr. Calhoun being now dead) to elect a Convention, whereby her course in the exigency should be determined — gave a Cooperation majority of over 7,000 on the popular For Cooperation, 25,098; for Secession, 17,796. These totals are obtained by adding
of the honorable Senator from Kentucky shows that his meaning was not what many supposed it to be, who judged simply from the phraseology of the amendment. I deem this explanation due to the Senator and to myself. Messrs. Webster, Clay, and Calhoun had all passed from the earth since the inception of Mr. Clay's Compromise in 1850. Not one of them lived to hear that that Compromise had lifted the interdict of Slavery from the whole region solemnly guaranteed to Free Labor forever by the Coe Republicans would not only incite, but justify, a Southern rebellion. The facts that the National Republicans, in 1828, supported John Q. Adams and Richard Rush — both from Free States--while their antagonists supported Andrew Jackson and John C. Calhoun, both slaveholders, and thus secured nearly every elector from the Slave States, are conveniently ignored by Mr. Fillmore. The Presidential contest of 1856 was ardent and animated up to the October elections wherein the States of Pennsylv
e several States, gives slaveholders an indefeasible right to carry their slaves into, and hold them in, the territories. Col. Benton In his Historical and Legal Examination of that part of the Decision of the Supreme Court, in the Dred Scott case, which declares the unconstitutionality of the Missouri Compromise. observes that the opinion of the Court, as pronounced by Chief Justice Taney in this celebrated case, is, in essence, but an amplification of certain resolves submitted by Mr. Calhoun to the United States Senate, in February, 1847, in the following language: Resolved, That the Territories of the United States belong to the several States composing this Union, and are held by them as their joint and common property. Resolved, That Congress, as the joint agent and representative of the States of the Union, has no right to make any law, or do any act whatever, that shall directly, or by its effects, make any discrimination between the States of this Union, by which
wisely forbore; and it was only after the strong infusion of young blood into the councils of the Republican party, through the election of Messrs. Clay, Grundy, Calhoun, John Holmes, etc., to Congress, that the hesitation of the cautious and philosophic Madison was overborne by their impetuosity, and war actually proclaimed. W raise funds through all the sea-board cities of the Union, and it was understood that Gen. John A. Quit-man, of Mississippi, one of the ablest and strongest of Mr. Calhoun's disciples, had consented to lead the next expedition against Cuba; but none ever sailed. The Order of the Lone Star proved useful to Gen. Pierce in swelling Breckinridge take the Government. Could there be a more noble ambition? * * * In my judgment, he is as worthy of Southern confidence and Southern votes as ever Mr. Calhoun was. Among the letters found by the Union soldiers at the residence of Jefferson Davis, in Mississippi, when in 1863 they advanced, under Gen. Grant, into th
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