and hardly any two gave the same reason.
There was no party conflict during his time respecting the Bank, Tariff, Internal Improvements, nor anything else of a substantial character.
He kept the expenses of the government very moderate.
He never turned a man out of office because of a difference of political sentiment.
Yet it was determined at the outset that he should be put down, no matter how well he might administer the government, and a combination of the old Jackson, Crawford, and Calhoun parties, with the personal adherents of De Witt Clinton, aided by a shamefully false and preposterous outcry that he had obtained the Presidency by a bargain with Mr. Clay, succeeded in returning an Opposition Congress in the middle of his term, and at its close to put in General Jackson over him by a large majority.
The character of this man Jackson we had studied pretty thoroughly and without prejudice.
His fatal duel with Dickinson about a horse-race; his pistoling Colonel Benton in
essible. There is doubtless a proper excuse or the conduct of lunatics, mad dogs, and rattlesnakes; but I know of no decent, just, or reasonable apology for such meanness (it is a hard word, but a very expressive one) as the presses alluded to have exhibited.
Horace came to Poultney, an ardent politician; and the events which occurred during his apprenticeship were not calculated to moderate his zeal, or weaken his attachment to the party he had chosen.
John Quincy Adams was president, Calhoun was vice-president, Henry Clay was secretary of State.
It was one of the best and ablest administrations that had ever ruled in Washington; and the most unpopular one.
It is among the inconveniences of universal suffrage, that the party which comes before the country with the most taking popular cry is the party which is likeliest to win. During the existence of this administration, the Opposition had a variety of popular Cries which were easy to vociferate, and well adapted to impose on
esty, and a perfect gracefulness, such as I have never seen equaled.
His countenance is intelligent and indicative of character; but a glance at his figure while his face was completely averted, would give assurance that he was no common man. Mr. Calhoun is one of the plainest men and certainly the dryest, hardest speaker I ever listened to. The flow of his ideas reminded me of a barrel filled with pebbles, each of which must find great difficulty in escaping from the very solidity and number of those pressing upon it and impeding its natural motion.
Mr. Calhoun, though far from being a handsome, is still a very remarkable personage; but Mr. Benton has the least intellectual countenance I ever saw on a senator.
Mr. Webster was not in his place. * * * * The best speech was that of Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky; That man is not appreciated so highly as he should and must be. He has a rough readiness, a sterling good sense, a republican manner and feeling, and a vein of biting, though
That he has done it is infinitely to his credit, and confirms us in the opinion we had long since formed of the soundness of his head and the goodness of his, heart.
In the summer of 1842, Mr. Greeley made an extensive tour, visiting Washington, Mount Vernon, Poultney, Westhaven, Londonderry, Niagara, and the home of his parents in Pennsylvania, from all of which he wrote letters to the Tribune.
His letters from Washington, entitled Glances at the Senate, gave agreeable sketches of Calhoun, Preston, Benton, Evans, Crittenden, Wright, and others.
Silas Wright he thought the keenest logician in the Senate, the Ajax of plausibility, the Talleyrand of the forum.
Calhoun he described as the compactest speaker in the Senate; Preston, as the most forcible declaimer; Evans, as the most dexterous and diligent legislator; Benton, as an individual, gross and burly in person, of countenance most unintellectual, in manner pompous and inflated, in matter empty, in conceit a giant, in in