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oggin, John Goode, Jr., Thomas F. Goods, Hale, Cyrus Hall, Harvie, Holcombe, Hunton, Isbell, Kent, Lawson, Macfarland, Charles K. Mallory, James B. Mallory, Marr, Marye, Miller, Morris, Morton, Richardson, Rives, Sheffey, Slaughter, Speed, Strange, Sutherlin, Tredway, Robert H. Turner, Tyler Waller, Williams, Wilson, Wise, and Wysor.--53. Nays.--Messrs. Armstrong, Aston, Baldwin. Alfred M. Barbour, Baylor, Berlin, Blow, Boggess, Brent, Brown, Burdett, Burley, Byrne, Campbell, Caperton, Carille, Carter, Chapman, Clemens, C. R. Conrad, Robert Y. Conrad, Couch, Critcher, Curtis, Dent, Deskins, Dorman, Dulany, Early, Echols, French, Fugate, Gillespie, Graveley, Gray, Ephraim B. Hall, Hammond, Haymond, Holladay, Hubbard, Hughes, Hull, Jackson, Janney, Peter C. Johnston, Kilby, Lewis, McComas, McGrew, Marshall, Maslin, Masters, Moffett, Moore, Osburn, Parks, Patrick, Pendleton, Porter, Price, Pugh, Robert E Scott, Sharp, Sitlington, Southall, Spurlock. Chapman J. Stuart, Summers. Tarr
the bill from the House, providing a new "Article of War," was taken up. It provides that no officer or soldier shall return fugitives, &c. Mr. Davis (Ky.) offered an amendment that such officers, &c., shall neither detain, harbor or conceal any such fugitive. Disagreed to. Mr. Saulsbury (Del.) offered an amendment that the articles shall not apply to Delaware, Maryland, Missouri, Kentucky, or wherever the Federal authority is recognized Disagreed to — yeas 7; nays 30. Mr. Carille asked, if in case the President should at any time call out the militia to enforce the law for returning fugitive slaves, which constitutional provision would this bill interfere with! Mr. Wilson (Mass.) replied, that that would be for judicial decision. The question of returning slaves was a judicial and not a military one. Mr. Saulsbury offered an amendment so as to prevent officers, &c. from enticing or decoying any person held to labor or service from the service of loyal m
non, and wagon train were captured. The late scare in Kentucky was quite unwarranted by facts. In the fight near Richmond, on Wednesday, the Federal took 100 prisoners and recaptured all the wagons. The Rhode Island reached Key West on the 16th, after a cruise around Cuba, in the course of which who had a long chase after the Alabama, but did not catch her. In the Senate, on the bill to incorporate a school for the education of colored children in the District of Columbia, Mr. Carille spoke in opposition to educating any one who had a dark complexion. He was roundly roasted by Grimes and Morrill, men who believe in letting even the Devil read the Bible. On an indirect motion to kill the bill, nine white men, calling themselves freemen, and being United States Senators, voted to shut every ray of intelligence from a handful of poor free negro children — most of them, probably, the offspring of white fathers. Senator Davis, of Ky., made a furious on Gen. Butler,
throws around the liberties of the people, as a nullity. The vote of these twenty nine Senators is a damning and indelible record, not only against themselves, but against the President of the United States. It in effect declares him quite guilty of numerous, frequent, and repeated violations of the Constitution. It is a plain confession that the design of the bill is to shield that officer and his underlings from the legal consequences of such violations. If that were not his object Mr. Carille's amendment would have been readily accepted, for the insertion of that amendment could in no way impair the effect of the bill, in exempting the President and his subordinates from penalties for acts which were not violations of the Constitution. These Senators in effect declare that he has violated the Constitution; that they consider violations of the Constitution meritorious acts on the part of an officer sworn to support and defend it; and that they will stand between him and all pa
aracter of this struggle must be settled definitely. Was this an exercise of the constitutional power of the Government to put down a rebellion against its authority, or was it a war of the Northern States against the Southern? If the former, then we draw all our powers from the Constitution. If the latter, it is a war by the States against the Constitution, leaving the States responsible alone to the judgment of the civilized world, for the manner in which the war has been conducted. Mr. Carille denied that any legislative powers were derived from the laws of war, and quoted the views of John Quincy Adams in support of his opinion. The whole scope and plan of the powers of the Government was to operate on individuals and not on States. We had no power under the Constitution to coerce a State. To say that Congress had the power to legislate and inaugurate war measures would be to say that the men who formed the Constitution were ignorant. Our Government itself was the crea
been drilled Mr Henderson said, so far as the Missouri troops were concerned, they were mustered into the service in August, 1861, but they had been drilled for a number of years previously. For himself, he was opposed to calling out a mob. Mr Sherman, of Ohio, (Union,) said there could be no doubt, under the existing law, of the President's authority to call out these troops; and, what ever might be our opinion as to the wisdom of the call, we should vote the appropriation Mr Carille, of Virginia, (Dem,) did not think it was respectful on the part of the President to have slighted Congress in not having indicated his intention to call out these troops for one hundred days. This proposed action placed the Treasury of the United States directly under the control of the President, and we set here merely to vote the money to carry out, and not to determine measures. The sum proposed would not hall cover the cost. Besides this, these men were to be taken at a time when la