aration of Causes, &c.,3
4.Seward's Speech at New York, Dec. 22, 1860,4
5.Toombs' Address to the Georgians,7
6.South Carolina Congressmen's Resignation,8
7.Evacuation of Fort Moultrie,8
8.Forts Sumter and Moultrie,8
9.Major Anderson's Movement,9
10.Secretary Floyd to the President,10
11.General Wool's Letters on the Crisis,10
12.South Carolina Commissioners to the President, and Reply,11
13.Charleston Mercury's Appeal to Florida,16
14.Buchanan's Proclamation of a Fast Day,17
15.Carrington's Call to Washington Volunteers,17
16.Gov. Hicks' Address,17
17.Gov. Ellis to Secretary Holt, and Reply,18
18.Major Anderson to Gov. Pickens, and Reply,19
19.Alabama Ordinance of Secession,19
20.N. Y. State Resolutions,21
21.Capt. McGowan's Report of Star of the West,21
22.Georgia Ordinance of Secession,21
23.Jefferson Davis's Speech on leaving the Senate,22
24.Sherrard Clemens' Speech,22
25.London Times on Disunion Movement,25
26.Toombs to Mayor Wood, and Reply,26
must be felt by some of them. Every rational citizen must wish to see an effective instrument of coercion, and should fear to see it on any other element than the water.
A naval force can never endanger our liberties nor occasion blood-shed; a land force would do both.
In the following year, and when the Confederation was at its last gasp, Mr. Jefferson was still of the opinion that it possessed the power of coercing the States, and that it was expedient to exercise it. In a letter to Col. Carrington of the 4th of April, 1787, he says: It has been so often said as to be generally believed, that Congress have no power by the Confederation to enforce any thing, for instance, contributions of money.
It was not necessary to give them that power expressly, they have it by the law of nature.
When two parties make a compact, there results to each the power of compelling the other to execute it. Compulsion was never so easy as in our case, when a single frigate would soon levy on the comm