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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 20 0 Browse Search
Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir 1 1 Browse Search
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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
tical period. His amendment It was drawn by Mr. Chase. was lost; but he was supported by Chandler of Michigan, Conness, Howard, Lane of Indiana, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sherman, Sprague, Wilkinson, and Wilson. Sumner received unstinted praise from Chandler, a banker by profession, who testified in debate to the debt of gratitude which the country owed to the senator from Massachusetts for his patriotism and statesmanship, and pronounced his speech of May 5 to be one of the ablest financial argumenxcathedra style, as he called it. He doubtless thought Sumner something like an intruder when he ventured into the field of finance. He was impatient, as senators are apt to be, with outsiders who take up their specialties; and his treatment of Chandler in the debate drew from the latter the retort that the senator from Maine had lectured the body about enough. Next he took Sumner to task for superfluous comments on a celebrated law case, for his style, particularly in the resort to poetry fo
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
landmarks of Christian civilization, under the protection of that God who is present with every prisoner, and enables heroic souls to suffer for their country. The committee's report found its most earnest support in the Western senators, Wade, Chandler, Harlan, Howe, Lane, Wilkinson, and Brown—the first two of whom forgot in this debate the requirements of good manners. When Sumner suggested on the first day that the resolutions came up that it was not best to go on with them then, Wade ejaculated, You would if you were in prison. Chandler expressed surprise that Sumner thought it inexpedient to protect our suffering prisoners, though expecting such conduct from those who desired the success of the rebellion, described the latter's substitute as a sublimated specimen of humanitarianism that does not apply to these accursed rebels at this time, and, resorting to threats, proposed to hold Sumner and Wilson responsible before their constituents and the people of the United States for
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
ry complimentary terms. Sumner's substitute received eight votes—his own and those of Brown, Chandler, Howe, Pomeroy, Wade, and Wilson. Henderson's proposition of an amendment to the Constitution,ilitary expeditions in this country against foreign governments with which we were at peace. Chandler in the Senate, Jan. 15, 1866 (Congressional Globe, p. 226), had proposed a resolution of non-inl passed July 26, two days before the session closed, and was sent at once to the Senate, where Chandler undertook to force its passage, but in vain. Chandler, at the next session, undertook to carChandler, at the next session, undertook to carry a similar bill in the Senate, but was defeated in the attempt by Sumner, who was now assisted by Morton. (March 23 and 25, 1867, Congressional Globe, pp. 290, 328.) Sumner wrote to George Bemis, De morning I kept my seat, on the watch. At last, at eleven o'clock in the forenoon of Saturday, Chandler actually made the motion to take up the bill. I gave notice that I should speak all the remai
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
General Grant's candidacy rather as a necessity than as a fortunate event. He is, however, not on record as objecting to it in any letter or public way; and, as far as known, he acquiesced without protest in the final decision of his party. The Cincinnati Commercial. July 19, 1891, published D. C. Forney's statement concerning a private meeting at the rooms of John W. Forney in Washington, 1). C., Nov. 6, 1867, for conference on the political situation, where were present Senators Wade, Chandler, and Sumner, John W. and D. C. Forney. D. K. Cartter, General Rawlins, 0. E. Babcock, and others. All present were in favor of nominating General Grant, except Sumner, who, while recognizing his merits as a soldier, and making no personal points against him, earnestly protected against his nomination. He believed in the strength of the party, saw no necessity for a step which was a confession of its weakness and a reflection on its civil administrative patriotism, and predicted that such
we have received and the convictions of our people. When this is done, we can take up the question of remedy more or less; but first the grievance must be stated in length and breadth. If I reply to your inquiries, it is because I would not seem indifferent to your desires. You can report whether I represented the Senate and the country,—and the President too. I think you can say that never was any doubt of it. This point is stated well in Senator Anthony's article, and also in Mr. P. W. Chandler's, in the Advertiser, both of whom belonging to the most moderate school, insist that the country agrees with me. Of course you know that the phrase abject apology, and nothing like it can be found in the speech. I never had the idea. But my speech makes no demand, whether apology or money; not a word of apology, not a cent of money. It shows that we have suffered incalculable damages for which we have never received compensation or acknowledgment, and refers to other cases where