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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 152 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 100 0 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 92 0 Browse Search
Elias Nason, McClellan's Own Story: the war for the union, the soldiers who fought it, the civilians who directed it, and his relations to them. 79 1 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 67 1 Browse Search
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights 56 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 46 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 40 2 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 26 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: February 29, 1864., [Electronic resource] 25 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History. You can also browse the collection for Salmon P. Chase or search for Salmon P. Chase in all documents.

Your search returned 46 results in 11 document sections:

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as estimated that ten thousand persons were assembled in it to witness the proceedings. William H. Seward of New York was recognized as the leading candidate, but Chase of Ohio, Cameron of Pennsylvania, Bates of Missouri, and several prominent Republicans from other States were known to have active and zealous followers. The nameators had provided themselves with tally-lists, and when the first roll-call was completed were able at once to perceive the drift of popular preference. Cameron, Chase, Bates, McLean, Dayton, and Collamer were indorsed by the substantial votes of their own States; but two names stood out in marked superiority: Seward, who had rerward to see whose voice would break the spell. Before the lapse of a minute, David K. Cartter sprang upon his chair and reported a change of four Ohio votes from Chase to Lincoln. Then a teller shouted a name toward the skylight, and the boom of cannon from the roof of the Wigwam announced the nomination and started the cheering
inations. Of these he would take at least three, perhaps four, to compose one half of his cabinet. In selecting Seward, Chase, Bates, and Cameron, he could also satisfy two other points of the representative principle, the claims of locality, and arty divisions now joined in the newly organized Republican party. With Seward from New York, Cameron from Pennsylvania, Chase from Ohio, and himself from Illinois, the four leading free States had each a representative. With Bates from Missouri, t to Springfield. Word had been meanwhile sent to Smith that he would probably be included. The assignment of places to Chase and Cameron worked less smoothly. Lincoln wrote Cameron a note on January 3, saying he would nominate him for either Secretary of the Treasury or Secretary of War, he had not yet decided which; and on the same day, in an interview with Chase, whom he had invited to Springfield, said to him: I have done with you what I would not perhaps have ventured to do with an
nformation was accompanied by the written opinions of the officers that to relieve the fort would require a well-appointed army of twenty thousand men. The new President had appointed as his cabinet William H. Seward, Secretary of State; Salmon P. Chase, Secretary of the Treasury; Simon Cameron, Secretary of War; Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy; Caleb B. Smith, Secretary of the Interior: Montgomery Blair, Postmaster-General; and Edward Bates, Attorney-General. The President and his of new duties as President of the United States had not in any wise put him at a disadvantage with his constitutional advisers. Upon the old question of slavery he was as well informed and had clearer convictions and purposes than either Seward or Chase. And upon the newer question of secession, and the immediate decision about Fort Sumter which it involved, the members of his cabinet were, like himself, compelled to rely on the professional advice of experienced army and navy officers. Since
ted. The gloomy outlook at the beginning of the year has already been mentioned. Finding on January 10 that General McClellan was still ill and unable to see him, he called Generals McDowell and Franklin into conference with himself, Seward, Chase, and the Assistant Secretary of War; and, explaining to them his dissatisfaction and distress at existing conditions, said to them that if something were not soon done, the bottom would be out of the whole affair; and if General McClellan did notJanuary 13, by which date General McClellan had sufficiently recovered to be present. McClellan took no pains to hide his displeasure at the proceedings, and ventured no explanation when the President asked what and when anything could be done. Chase repeated the direct interrogatory to Mc-Clellan himself, inquiring what he intended doing with his army, and when he intended doing it. McClellan stated his unwillingness to develop his plans, but said he would tell them if he was ordered to do s
sibilities of rulership, and that the fate of the nation hung upon his words and acts from hour to hour. His official counselors, equally patriotic and sincere, were not his equals in calmness of temper. On Friday, August 29, Stanton went to Chase, and after an excited conference drew up a memorandum of protest, to be signed by the members of the cabinet, which drew a gloomy picture of present and apprehended dangers, and recommended the immediate removal of Mc-Clellan from command. ChaseChase and Stanton signed the paper, as also did Bates, whom they immediately consulted, and somewhat later Smith added his signature. But when they presented it to Welles, he firmly refused, stating that though he concurred with them in judgment, it would be discourteous and unfriendly to the President to adopt such a course. They did not go to Seward and Blair, apparently believing them to be friendly to McClellan, and therefore probably unwilling to give their assent. The refusal of Mr. Welles
order, coming by the slow course of ocean mails, greatly surprised Mr. Lincoln, and his first comment upon it was positive and emphatic. No commanding general shall do such a thing, upon my responsibility, without consulting me, he wrote to Secretary Chase. Three days later, May 19, 1862, he published a proclamation declaring Hunter's order entirely unauthorized and void, and adding: I further make known that whether it be competent for me, as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, tointimation of this step to Mr. Seward and Mr. Welles on the day following the border State interview, but to all the other members of the cabinet it came as a complete surprise. Blair thought it would cost the administration the fall elections. Chase preferred that emancipation should be proclaimed by commanders in the several military districts. Seward, approving the measure, suggested that it be postponed until it could be given to the country supported by military success, instead of issu
tainty, it was ascertained that it could be reasonably claimed as a Union victory, the President resolved to carry out his long-matured purpose. The diary of Secretary Chase has recorded a very full report of the interesting transaction. On this ever memorable September 22, 1862, after some playful preliminary talk, Mr. Lincoln s to the cabinet meeting their several criticisms and suggestions on the draft he had given them. Perhaps the most important one was that earnestly pressed by Secretary Chase, that the new proclamation should make no exceptions of fractional parts of States controlled by the Union armies, as in Louisiana and Virginia, save the fort fractional parts of States and the forty-eight counties of West Virginia; and also his announcement of intention to enlist the freedmen in military service. Secretary Chase had submitted the form of a closing paragraph. This the President also adopted, but added to it, after the words warranted by the Constitution, his own impor
most serious presidential aspirations was Salmon P. Chase, his Secretary of the Treasury, who listeinion of the taste and judgment displayed by Mr. Chase in his criticisms of the President and his cfar as possible, to everything of the sort. Mr. Chase makes a good secretary, and I shall keep himve a worse man. And he went on appointing Mr. Chase's partizans and adherents to places in the g In capacity of appreciating popular currents Chase was as a child beside him; and he allowed the it really was. The movement in favor of Mr. Chase culminated in the month of February, 1864, i the opposition that had developed; and lauded Chase as the statesman best fitted to rescue the coutary. Finally, it got into print, whereupon Mr. Chase wrote to the President to assure him he had Even before the President wrote this letter, Mr. Chase's candidacy had passed out of sight. In fact only opposed no obstacle to the ambitions of Chase, but received warnings to beware of Grant in t[1 more...]
Chapter 32. The bogus proclamation the Wade Davis manifesto resignation of Mr. Chase Fessenden Succeeds him the Greeley peace conference Jaquess Gilmore mission letter of Raymond bad outlook for the election Mr. Lincoln the presidential campaign, and appealed more to individual critics of the President than to the mass of the people. Mr. Chase entered in his diary: The President pocketed the great bill . . . He did not venture to veto, and so put it in his pockssible reconstruction with slavery, which neither the President nor his chief advisers have, in my opinion, abandoned. Mr. Chase was no longer one of the chief advisers. After his withdrawal from his hopeless contest for the presidency, his sentimcal campaign. Several circumstances contributed to divide and discourage the administration party. The resignation of Mr. Chase had seemed to not a few leading Republicans a presage of disintegration in the government. Mr. Greeley's mission at Ni
Chapter 34. Blair Chase chief justice Speed Succeeds Bates McCulloch Succeeds Fessendters with dismay, since they had looked upon Mr. Chase as their special representative in the goverty to Mr. Blair manifested itself. As long as Chase remained in the cabinet there was smoldering hlegal acquirements eminently fitted him. But Mr. Chase was chosen, to the bitter disappointment of espectfully declined. The appointment of Mr. Chase as chief justice had probably been decided o the nomination to the Senate on December 6. Mr. Chase's partizans claimed that the President had alied: Oh, as to that I care nothing. Of Mr. Chase's ability, and of his soundness on the generwould not hesitate a moment. He wrote out Mr. Chase's nomination with his own hand, and sent it were better founded than his hopes. Though Mr. Chase took his place on the bench with a conscienttions. The address being concluded, Chief-Justice Chase administered the oath of office; and li[2 more...]
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