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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 40 2 Browse Search
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights 38 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: March 6, 1861., [Electronic resource] 10 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights. You can also browse the collection for Salmon Portland Chase or search for Salmon Portland Chase in all documents.

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John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights, Chapter 1: Theodore Roosevelt and the Abolitionists (search)
together. There was another inducement the Abolitionists had to offer. They had an organization that was perfect in its way. It was weak but active. It had made its way into Congress where it had such representatives as John P. Hale and Salmon P. Chase in the Senate, and several brilliant men in the Lower House. It had a complete outfit of party machinery. It had an efficient force of men and women engaged in canvassing as lecturers and stump orators. It had well managed newspapers, anxcited his fiery indignation. He declared that it was ludicrous in its folly, pernicious as a measure of policy, and useless as a political contrivance. Far and away the most potential member and leader of the political Abolitionists was Salmon P. Chase. Instead of denouncing the Constitution as a league with death and hell, he claimed that it was an Anti-Slavery document and should be so construed. As for the Union, by his services in successfully managing the finances of the country in
Chapter 7: Salmon Portland Chase If I were asked to name the man to whom the colored people of this country, who were slaves, or were liable to become slaves, are under the greatest obligation for their freedom, I would unhesitatingly say Salmon Portland Chase. If I were asked to name the man who was the strongest and most useful factor in the Government during the great final contest that ended in the emancipation of the black man, I would say Salmon Portland Chase. In expressing the opinions above given, no reproach for Abraham Lincoln, nor for any of the distinguished members of his Cabinet, is intended or implied. Inferiority to Salmon P. Chase was not a disgrace. Physically he rose above all his official associates, which was no discredit to them, and in much the samFrom that time he was its Moses. The greatest service rendered to the Abolition cause by Salmon P. Chase was in pushing it forward on political lines. There was a contest for the mastery of the
Chapter 8: John Quincy Adams If I were asked to name the man who, next to Salmon P. Chase, most effectually and meritoriously contributed to the liberation of the black man in this country, I should unhesitatingly say John Quincy Adams. By the great majority of those now living Mr. Adams is known only as having once been President of the United States and as belonging to a very distinguished family. His name is rarely mentioned. There was a time, however, when no other name was heard so often in this country, or which, when used, excited such violent and conflicting emotions. It can justly be said that for many years John Quincy Adams, individually and practically alone, by his services in Congress, sustained what Anti-Slavery sentiment there was in the nation. It was but a spark, but he kept it alive and gradually extended its conflagration. When Adams entered Congress opposition to slavery was at its lowest ebb. It was almost extinct. The victory of the slaveholders
nerally believed,--is so stated in several of Mr. Lincoln's biographies, I believe,--that Mr. Beecher went to England at the President's request, and for the purpose of making a speaking tour. The best answer is that given by Mr. Beecher himself. It has been asked, said he, whether I was sent by the government. The government took no stock in --me at that time. I had been pounding Lincoln in the earlier years of the war, and I don't believe there was a man down there. unless it was Mr. Chase, who would have trusted me with anything. At any rate, I went on my own responsibility. But in referring to Abolition orators, and especially orators whose experience it was to encounter mobs, the writer desires to pay a tribute to one of them whose name he does not even know. A meeting that was called to organize an Anti-Slavery society in New York City was broken up by a mob. All of those in attendance made their escape except one negro. He was caught and his captors thought it w
f all the difficulties besetting him, Mr. Lincoln did well, although he might have done better. Much allowance, must be made to one situated as he was. He undoubtedly deserves the most of the encomiums that have been lavished upon him. At the same time, the conclusion is inevitable that his fame as a statesman will ultimately depend less upon his treatment of the slavery issue than upon any other part of his public administration. The fact will always appear that it was the policy of Salmon P. Chase, Charles Sumner, Thaddeus Stevens, Horace Greeley, Henry Ward Beecher, and other advocates of the radical cure, with whom the President was in constant opposition, that prevailed in the end, and with a decisiveness that proves it to have been feasible and sound from the beginning. Mr. Lincoln's most ultra prescription-his Emancipation Proclamation — was ineffective. If it was intended to eradicate slavery altogether, it was too narrow; if to free the slaves of Rebels only, it was too
the root of slavery in the soil, and hence his nomination by the Republicans should be opposed. Chase was clearly the choice of those present, but no one had a plan to propose, and, while some commitime. The signal for the abandonment of the movement, according to Mr. Chandler, was given by Mr. Chase. Almost at the beginning of the movement the Missouri Democrat, doubtless because of its suc knowing anything of its existence. The reason was that it had no candidate. It had relied on Chase, knowing the unfriendliness there was between him and the President, but Chase said No, and thatChase said No, and that was the end of it. The nomination of Mr. Chase for the Chief Justiceship has always been regarded as an act of great magnanimity on Mr. Lincoln's part, as well as a clear perception of merit. ItMr. Chase for the Chief Justiceship has always been regarded as an act of great magnanimity on Mr. Lincoln's part, as well as a clear perception of merit. It was doubtless all that, but the actions of the two men at this time certainly make out a case of striking coincidence. Such things rarely come by accident. From what has been stated, it will be
picuous member of the U. S. Senate. Going westward, we come to Ohio, which became, early in the movement, the dominating center of Abolitionist influence. Salmon P. Chase was there. James G. Birney, after being forced out of Kentucky, was there. Ex-United States Senator Thomas Morris, a candidate for the Vice-Presidency on thionists were ready and eager to employ the ballot. There is another name, in speaking of Ohio, that must not be omitted. Dr. Townsend was the man who made Salmon P. Chase a United States Senator, and at a time when the Abolition voting strength in Ohio was a meager fraction in comparison with that of the old parties-numbering n a medical student in Cincinnati. One day he stepped into the courthouse, where a fugitive-slave case was being tried. There he listened to an argument from Salmon P. Chase, the negro's defender, that made an Abolitionist of him. The senatorial incident naturally followed. There was another Ohioan — not an individual this tim
205. Buchanan, James 153. Buffum, Arnold, 201, 202. Buffum, James N., 205. Bull Run, 192. Burleigh, Charles C., 205. Buxton, Sir Thomas, 132. C Camp Jackson(St. Louis), 183; affair at, 186-188; effect of capture, 191-194. Campbell, David, 202. Campbell, John R., 202. Capron, Effingham C., 202. Carlisle, Earl of, 18. Chapman, Mrs. Henry, 33. Charcoals, Missouri, 159; delegation to President, 162, 166; fight for Free Missouri, 162; appeal to President for protection, 166-168. Chase, Salmon P., 10, 13, 14, 59-61, 148, 205; financial policy, 60; espousal of Abolitionism, 61; and third party, 64; election to United States Senate, 206. Child, David Lee, 204. Child, Lydia Maria, 204. Chittenden, L. E., 134. Churchill's Crisis, 157. Civil War, 11; due to Abolitionists, 12. Clay, Henry, 2, 6. Claybanks, 159; exclusion from National Convention, 169. Coffin, Joshua, 201. Coffin, Levi, 197-198; President of the Underground railroad, 97. Colonization, 128-135; Society, 1