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Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley) 82 4 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 62 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 2 44 0 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 2 25 1 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 16 0 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 14 2 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 14 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 13 3 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 1 12 0 Browse Search
Frank Preston Stearns, Cambridge Sketches 8 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Rufus Choate or search for Rufus Choate in all documents.

Your search returned 31 results in 12 document sections:

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Freeman Clarke and F. D. Huntington, the spirit of Channing survived; but in those of most of the Unitarian churches, as also in the Congregational (Trinitarian) and Episcopalian, there was little sympathy for moral reforms. Edward Everett and Rufus Choate were the first orators. Choate, C. G. Loring, and B. R. Curtis were the leaders of the bar. Lemuel Shaw, just, wise, and serene, with never a sinister thought to affect the balance between suitors, personified justice in the Supreme Court ofChoate, C. G. Loring, and B. R. Curtis were the leaders of the bar. Lemuel Shaw, just, wise, and serene, with never a sinister thought to affect the balance between suitors, personified justice in the Supreme Court of the State,—a tribunal which then held and still holds the respect of jurists wherever the common law is administered. Neither the chief-justice nor Peleg Sprague, another highly esteemed judge, showed to advantage in cases where the rights of alleged fugitive slaves were concerned,—the former wanting in courage, and the latter exhibiting a partisan zeal in supporting the Fugitive Slave Act. Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. i. pp. 186, 196. The representative newspaper was the Daily Advertise
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
o lawyers and statesmen, were easily persuaded to appear with some favorite topic before sympathetic and intelligent audiences. Of such were David Paul Brown, Rufus Choate, R. H. Dana, Jr., and even Daniel Webster. The patrons of the lyceums were of various religious and political beliefs, but the predominant sentiment among the I think took nearly or quite three hours. I had not, of course, at twenty years of age, heard many of the great orations of great orators. But I had listened to Choate's Law School address and Everett's inaugural, and had been in the audience more than once when Webster had spoken. Sumner held and delighted his hearers to the ce. His letter of July 15, 1851, to the Story Association, Works, vol. II. pp. 442, 443. Sumner would not attend the oration or the dinner, being advised that Choate was to defend the Fugitive Slave Act. Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. i. p. 199. in which he recalls his loved teacher, as also two friends whom he had made in E
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
ily on Sumner than on others, for, bachelor as he was, his life was not engrossed with home interests. Adams, such was his lineage, could not be set aside or ignored; but he too had some dark looks to encounter. One evening at a party he and Rufus Choate were observed to glare on each other without speaking. Adams resented Choate's speaking of John Quincy Adams as the last Adams. Later history, with the career of Charles Francis Adams and the public work of his sons in authorship and affaiChoate's speaking of John Quincy Adams as the last Adams. Later history, with the career of Charles Francis Adams and the public work of his sons in authorship and affairs, will make it hazardous for any one to speak of a past Adams as the last one. Palfrey described the slights and affronts received by himself, the changed countenances, the rude language, and the refused recognitions by old acquaintances and parishioners. A Letter to a Friend, pp. 25, 26. Dana, finding one day his salutations in the street, when addressed to one of the ruling class, met with only the slightest return, assumed that the cause was a recent bereavement; By the death of Green
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
ainst their former allies, paying hardly any attention to the Democratic party, and directing all their energies against the supporters of Van Buren and Adams. Choate in a speech at Salem, September 28, probably referred to Sumner when he spoke of Mr. Everett as one who could be a philosopher, a scholar, and a progressionist, wecame eight years later an earnest supporter of the Republican party, to which the charge could be equally well applied. The Whig orators joined in this outcry. Choate assailed the Free Soilers as a party founded upon geographical lines. At Salem, Sept. 28, 1848. Others associated them with nullifiers, and held them up as deshich Mr. Lawrence predicted the nomination of General Taylor, and justified it as the only one likely to succeed; admitted his part in promoting it; stated that Mr. Choate was for Taylor, and implied that John Davis and Governor Lincoln were of the same way of thinking. Mr. Appleton rejoined at length and with spirit, denying any
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 34: the compromise of 1850.—Mr. Webster. (search)
1848, in which he showed a favorable disposition towards the antislavery or Free Soil movement. The love of liberty traditional with the people of the State, and often lauded by himself, he now derided as fanaticism,— a local prejudice which it was the duty of good citizens to conquer. Webster's Works, vol. v. p. 432; Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 438. The writer was present when Webster spoke from a carriage in front of the Revere House on the afternoon of April 29, 1850. Choate was by his side, and B. R. Curtis addressed him from a temporary platform. His face was never darker and sterner than when he said interrogatively, Massachusetts must conquer her prejudices. Instead of treating, as one with his view of the Constitution might have done, the restoration of fugitive slaves—involving the separation of families, life-long bondage and cruelty—as a painful duty to be performed with the utmost care and tenderness, he set aside the moral and humane aspects of a ques<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
, called the signers Mr. Webster's retainers.—among them merchants like Eliot, Perkins, Fearing, Appleton, Haven, Amory, Sturgis, Thayer, and Hooper; lawyers like Choate, Lunt, B. R. Curtis, and G. T. Curtis; physicians like Jackson and Bigelow; scholars like Ticknor, Everett, Prescott, Sparks, Holmes, and Felton; divines like Mose Law School, read lectures in defence of the Fugitive Slave law. The writer was a student of the school at the time, and sat restlessly during these lectures. Choate disregarded the proprieties of its anniversary meeting by an oration which was a plea for the Compromise and the surrender of fugitive slaves. The undergraduates O'Conor, Hoffman, Brady, and Evarts. As to Evarts's support of the Fugitive Slave law, see Adams's Biography of Dana, p. 176. was addressed by B. R. Curtis and Choate; and the Compromise measures, with no sign of compunction at the atrocious features of the Fugitive Slave law, were ratified with the demand that agitation agains
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
se accomplished wife became his sympathetic and ever faithful friend; few American women of her time have had so choice a circle of admirers, among whom Everett, Choate, Winthrop, and Bigelow may be named. Mr. Eames, Minister to Venezuela under Pierce, died in 1867, and Sumner was pallbearer at his funeral. Just before his dech on the Kossuth resolution. It is as much admired for its discretion as for the grace and energy of its diction, and the lofty eloquence of its sentiments. Rufus Choate wrote him a cordial note in his characteristic and inimitable style. Works, vol. III. p. 2. Hillard also wrote at once in a kindly way of the speech; and afor him popular approval. In contrast with his solitary and undefended position was the hearty, able, and unfailing support which Webster, Everett, Winthrop, and Choate always received from the journals of the city in which they lived. This discrimination against a political opponent no longer exists to the same extent, as metro
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
any one represented the Compromise, and Webster, who, notwithstanding the eloquent appeals of Rufus Choate, had only a feeble support among the delegates. Both parties in their conventions, in languaage, might in his view exempt him from continuous speaking in a campaign. Webster, Everett, and Choate were accustomed to treat public questions at length in a convention, or other meeting specially ion, composed of past and present members of the Law School at Cambridge, an appointment which Mr. Choate filled two years before. Wendell Phillips wrote to Sumner, March 21, 1853, when the illustratrepresentative body well worthy of the State. The Boston delegation included, among lawyers, Rufus Choate, Sidney Bartlett, F. B. Crowninshield, George S. Hillard, Thomas Hopkinson, Samuel D. Parker,elegates were vigilant whenever any conservative bulwark of the Constitution seemed in danger. Choate's defence of the judiciary surpassed in eloquence and political philosophy all other productions
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
, that the moral element involved in this question is too serious to be made any further or any longer subordinate to the political exigencies arising out of it. Choate's answer is given in his Life, by Brown (p. 291), in which, while recommending opposition to the bill, he expressed solicitude lest Mr. Everett should be drawn intest on the slavery question was thought at the time to enter largely into his decision to surrender a post which he had recently taken with high expectations. Choate noted Everett's desponding views at this time, and the turning of his personal hopes away from politics. Brown's Life of Choate, p. 297. He was not broken in heaChoate, p. 297. He was not broken in health, for his subsequent life was full of activity, comprehending long journeys in the delivery of his oration on Washington, and the production of addresses and papers which fill a large share of his published works. Everett did not include in his Orations and Speeches, published in four volumes, his speeches on the Nebraska bi
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 39: the debate on Toucey's bill.—vindication of the antislavery enterprise.—first visit to the West.—defence of foreign-born citizens.—1854-1855. (search)
n of all opposed to slavery; and the American, or Know Nothing, party taking the same position as the Republican on the slavery question, prevailed at the election, and their candidate for governor, Henry J. Gardner, received a large plurality. The Boston Whigs (the remnant of the party long dominant in the State) again resisted the fusion, and gave a third of the fourteen thousand votes which were received by the Whig candidate, Samuel H. Walley, who was supported in speeches or letters by Choate, Winthrop, Hillard, Stevenson, F. C. Gray, and N. Appleton,—names already familiar to these pages. Their newspaper organ, the Advertiser, with unchanged proprietorship, appealed to old prejudices, and rallied Whig voters with the charge that the Republican party was a geographical and sectional party, with aims and tendencies hostile to the Union and the Constitution. So virulent was its partisanship that on the morning after the election it counted triumphantly, using capitals, the aggre
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