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that we should war, and not with the Government — the Union under which we have been so prosperous. Look to the history of the country and tell me, has the Government ever made war on the South? I boldly affirm it that the amendment to the Constitution, which affects Southern interests, has been made at the instance of Southern men. Was not the act of 1850 enacted at the instance of Southern men, and was it not framed and advocated by our own immortal statesman--Kentucky's noble and gallant Clay? The principle upon which all our Territories have been organized holds that people who owned slaves might take them there, and the Territories could be admitted as Slave States. Those acts thus providing are still in force. The South asked for the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and it was done. What next? Even since the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, his party has given sanction to three new Territories under the same existing laws. All have the right to take their slaves there. Wha
it is expected that Virginia, whether by choice or necessity, will join the Secession, and then the sacred district of Columbia, which was to have been the common ground of the world's great brotherhood, will be the debateable border of a divided allegiance and a bloody quarrel. Meanwhile time brings round anniversaries, which are celebrated as of yore, but with the feeling that they are now a solemn mockery. What are the Declaration of Independence, the Battle of Lexington, the Birthday of Clay, and the other red-letter days in the American Calendar, now that the glorious fabric is itself in the dust, and the mountain made with hands shattered to pieces? It was but the other day, that all eyes were fixed on the Capital of the Old World as the single object of interest, and the expected scene of the great events that were to mark the latter years of this century. Rome occupied the attention of all men. A hundred questions were asked, but all were of Rome. Will Rome be still a Capi
s, which demagogues have been so long playing under tragic mask, and which has done more than all things else to unsettle the foundations of the republic, by estranging the people from the Federal Government, as one to be distrusted and resisted, instead of being, what it is, emphatically their own creation, at all times obedient to their will, and in its ministrations the grandest reflex of the greatness and beneficence of popular power that has ever ennobled the history of our race. Said Mr. Clay: I owe a supreme allegiance to the General Government, and to my State a subordinate one. And this terse language disposes of the whole controversy which has arisen out of the secession movement in regard to the allegiance of the citizen. As the power of the State and Federal Governments are in perfect harmony with each other, so there can be no conflict with the allegiance due to them; each, while acting within the sphere of its constitutional authority, is entitled to be obeyed; but whe
d to warrant or justify the change in our Government proposed by the ordinances of our Convention. Adopting the language of our fellow-citizens of the county of Berkeley, at their late mass meeting, we can truthfully declare: That we have never yet agreed to break our allegiance to that Constitution which was signed by George Washington, framed by James Madison, administered by Jefferson, judicially expounded by John Marshall, protected by Jackson, defended by Webster, and lived for by Clay. That we have never known Virginia save as a State in the United States; and all our feelings of State pride are indelibly associated with her, as a bright star in the constellation of a glorious and united country. That we have lived happily under the great Government of the United States, and if that Government has oppressed us by any of its acts, legislative, executive, or judicial, during its existence, we do not know it. Such, we are well persuaded, must be the declaration of e
Doc. 236.-letter of Cassius M. Clay to the London times. To the Editor of the Times :-- Sir: Allow me your journal to make a few rcannot. If she is wise, she will not. Your obedient servant, C. M. Clay, United States Minister Plenipotentiary, &c., to St. Petersburg.he holds in public affairs, and why he wrote that letter. Mr. Cassius M. Clay is a Kentucky man, and a relative of the late Henry Clay; buave flourished beyond perhaps any other region in the Union, Mr. Cassius M. Clay. has been the most prominent. For a long course of years hmpathetic. It is certain, however, that The Times misapprehends Mr. Clay when it dismisses as mere rhetorical amplification his notice of ttive government as objects of conflict between North and South. Mr. C. M. Clay has but too much reason to know what the systematic perversion lf the States: the coercion of the press is as bad as any thing Mr. C. M. Clay will find in Russia: and as for representative government, we n
would seem that neutrality does not so far interfere with the sympathies and freedom of its subjects as to compel it to issue proclamations against Irishmen enlisting with Francis Joseph, or Englishmen fighting for Victor Emanuel and Garibaldi. The proclamation in this case is so warmly eulogized by the British press as precisely the proclamation demanded by the crisis, they profess such profound astonishment that the American people are not satisfied with it, and rate so severely Mr. Cassius M. Clay for expressing with Western bluntness his frank surprise, that I will dwell for a moment on what seems to be its meaning and effect. What has the proclamation effected? How did we stand before it was issued, and how do we stand now? In the case of the United States, the laws of England and its treaty stipulations with our Government already forbade its subjects from engaging in a conspiracy to overthrow our institutions. The proclamation, therefore, in forbidding English subje