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Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2., Chapter 6: the Army of the Potomac.--the Trent affair.--capture of Roanoke Island. (search)
height of the Andes, who comprehended the character of our Government, the causes of the rebellion, and the war it was making upon the rights of man; and with a true catholic and Christian spirit they rebuked the selfishness of the ruling class. Among these, John Bright, the Quaker, and eminent British statesman, stood most conspicuous. In the midst of the tumultuous surges of popular excitement that rocked the British islands in December and January, his voice, in unison with that of Richard Cobden, was heard calmly speaking of righteousness and counseling peace. He appeared as the champion of the Republic against all its enemies, and his persuasions and warnings were heard and heeded by thousands of his countrymen. All through the war, John Bright in John Bright. England, and Count de Gasparin in France, See note 4, page 569, volume I. stood forth conspicuously as the representatives of the true democracy in America, and for their beneficent labors they now receive the
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Cobden Club, (search)
Cobden Club, A club instituted in London for the purpose of putting into practical application the principles of Richard Cobden. Its first annual dinner was held July 21, 1866, with William E. Gladstone in the chair. Its active membership includes many of the best-known statesmen of Great Britain, and among its honorary members are quite a number of well-known Americans, several of whom have been subjected to severe political criticism because of their connection with the club.
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Federal Union, the John Fiske (search)
Federal Union, the John Fiske (q. v.), the eminent historian, contributes the following essay, originally delivered as a lecture in London, England: The great history of Thucydides, which after twenty-three centuries still ranks (in spite of Mr. Cobden) among our chief text-books of political wisdom, has often seemed to me one of the most mournful books in the world. At no other spot on the earth's surface, and at no other time in the career of mankind, has the human intellect flowered with such luxuriance as at Athens during the eighty-five years which intervened between the victory of Marathon and the defeat of Aegospotamos. In no other like interval of time, and in no other community of like dimensions, has so much work been accomplished of which we can say with truth that it is kth=ma e\z a)ei\ —an eternal possession. It is impossible to conceive of a day so distant, or an era of culture so exalted, that the lessons taught by Athens shall cease to be of value, or that
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Free trade. (search)
y of life, any longer to compete with the cheap bread and cheap labor of the Continent. And, in truth, they could show that their trade was at the time, to a great extent, either stationary or even receding. These arguments were made among us, in the alleged interest of labor and of capital, just as they are now employed by you; for America may at present be said to diet on the cast-off reasonings of English protectionism. They were so specious that they held the field until the genius of Cobden recalled us from conventional phrases to natural laws, and until a series of bad harvests (about 1838-41) had shown the British workman that what enhanced the price of his bread had no corresponding power to raise the rate of his wages, but distinctively tended to depress them. Let me now mark the exact point to which we have advanced. Like a phonograph of Mr. Edison, the American protectionist simply repeats on his side of the Atlantic what has been first and often, and long ago, said o
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Phillips, Wendell 1811-1884 (search)
have understood by instinct that righteousness is the only thing which will finally compel submission; that one, with God, is always a majority. He seems to have known it at the very outset, taught of God, the herald and champion, Godendowed and God-sent to arouse a nation, that only by the most absolute assertion of the uttermost truth, without qualification or compromise, can a nation be waked to conscience or strengthened for duty. No man ever understood so thoroughly—not O'Connell nor Cobden— the nature and needs of that agitation which alone, in our day, reforms states. In the darkest hour he never doubted the Omnipotence of conscience and the moral sentiment. And then look at the unquailing courage with which he faced the successive obstacles that confronted him! Modest, believing at the outset that America could not be as corrupt as she seemed, he waits at the door of the churches, importunes leading clergymen, begs for a voice from the sanctuary, a consecrated protest
ith almost a certainty that the Whig ministry would have been speedily voted down, and the Conservative administration of Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli placed in power. And there can be little doubt that that administration would promptly have entered into such a treaty. Even the Whig Foreign Secretary, Lord John Russell, openly expressed the opinion that the dissolution of the American Union would be permanent, and the Confederate States successful. John Bright, the Quaker Radical, and Richard Cobden, the Independent Liberal of the Manchester School of politics, then supporting the Whig administration, represented manufacturing constituencies, and were noted advocates of free-trade and low duties. It is more than likely that, in view of such benefits, their prejudices against the South and partialities for the North would have been nullified and overridden by the calls of unmistakable and gigantic interest to the people of England. The Emperor of the French, Louis Napoleon, was fri
The steady Increase and Arrogance of the slave-power. Mr. Garrison's efforts to resist it. opprobrium cast upon the Abolitionists. the Annexation of Texas. Mr. Sumner's view of slavery in the true grandeur of nations. compliments of Richard Cobden, Chief-justice Story, and Theodore Parker. extracts from the speech. efforts to prevent the final vote on the Annexation of Texas. Mr. Sumner takes open ground against slavery in his speech of Nov. 4, 1845. extracts from this speech. nottions by a remarkable affluence of learning, presented with a warm enthusiasm and in a most felicitous diction. The address produced a profound sensation, and was sharply criticised by the advocates of the war-policy, but the English patriot Richard Cobden did not hesitate to pronounce it the most noble contribution made by any modern writer to the cause of peace. In a letter to Mr. Sumner, Mr. Justice Story says of the oration, It is certainly a very striking production, and will fully sust
John Jay Chapman, William Lloyd Garrison, Chapter 10: foreign influence: summary (search)
t the fate of all humanity is at stake. These humble creatures saved us. It was due to their fortitude that Great Britain did not openly recognize the Confederacy. Had the masses of England sustained the official classes in regard to the American question, some sort of intervention by England in American affairs would in all probability have followed. The Englishmen whose influence educated and sustained the working classes upon this whole matter were John Stuart Mill, John Bright, Richard Cobden, Lord Houghton, William E. Forster, George Thompson, Goldwin Smith, Justin Mc-Carthy, Thomas Hughes, Herbert Spencer, Professor J. E. Cairnes--as well as the Gurneys, Buxtons, Webbs, and Clarksons of the previous generation: that is to say they were the heart and conscience of England of which Garrison had found himself to be a part in the early days, and by which the whole Anti-slavery movement had been comprehendingly followed during thirty years. The lower classes in England saw that
John Jay Chapman, William Lloyd Garrison, Index (search)
n, Daniel H., quoted, 243. Channing, William Ellery, and the slavery question, 26 f., 87, 88; and Abolition, 27, 28, 81-86; and Follen, 29, 30; and the theory of association, 31; G. at his church, 31, 32, Ioo, 129, 133, 174, 224. Charleston, S. C., postoffice at, broken into, 104, 105. Charleston Courier, 187. Cincinnati Convention (1853), 160. Civil War, the, 4, 59, 60. Clarkson, Thomas, 245, 251. Clay, Cassius M., 159, 160. Clay, Henry, G.'s strictures on, 191; 7. Cobden, Richard, 251. Colonization Society of 1830, 63 ff.; a sham reform, 63; destroyed by G., 65, 66; 244. Compromise of 1850, 177, 258. Constitution of U. S., Slavery and, 13, 15, 16, 140ff., 168ff., 172, 173; publicly burned by G., 174. Constitutional Convention (1787), 9, 13. Cooper Union, Emerson's speech at, 234 ff. Copley, Josiah, quoted, 57. Cottage Bible, the, 76. Crandall, Prudence, case of, 70 if., indicted and convicted, 72, 73; 80, 106. Crandall, Reuben, Io6. Cro
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fourth: orations and political speeches. (search)
lting words had been uttered by one of the most brilliant and admired of her own long-descended aristocrats! What could not be tolerated, even in so plebeian a fanatic as Garrison, no longer than a rope could be thrown to a howling mob, rose when coming from the lips of the eloquent and travelled young patrician, the most atrocious blasphemy against God and the Constitution! And yet his great theme was The True Grandeur of Nations, and the burden of his oration was Peace,—an oration which Cobden, the most eloquent advocate of peace in Europe, pronounced the noblest contribution ever made by any modern writer to the cause of peace. But it gave offence to the magnates of the Whig Party in Massachusetts, since it was known that they were fast drifting, body and soul, into the embraces of the slave-power, which was demanding fresh aggressions upon the territory of Mexico, with a view to wrest from her some of her fairest possessions, to be devoted to the demon of human servitude. Mr.
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