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families,—so that through connections by kin or friendship nearly all the society was likely to take a part. For instance, the Ticknor, Eliot, Dwight, Guild, and Norton families were connected by marriage; and Mr. Eliot was a near kinsman of the Curtis family. Similar ties by blood and marriage united the Sears, Mason, Warren, Parker, and Amory families, and also the Shaw, Sturgis, Parkman, and Perkins families. Another group was the Sturgis, Perkins, Cabot, Forbes, Cary, Gardiner, and Cushing families. The different groups were often connected by kin or close friendship. Sumner was for a time, at an earlier period, shut out from one house on Beacon Street merely for complimenting, in a lawyer's office, the editor of a magazine who had reviewed a domestic controversy already before the public in judicial proceedings. The head of the family, learning the circumstance from a relative who, unobserved, was within hearing, shortly after returned a subscription paper which Sumner had
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
miliar to the English language. It marks the beginning of Sumners warfare on caste, and of his persistent advocacy of equal civil and political rights for all, irrespective of condition and race, which continued through his life. Its general thought as well as some of its points and authorities appeared often in his prolonged contention in the Senate for the rights of the colored people. Chief-Justice Shaw gave the opinion of the court adversely to Sumner; Roberts v. City of Boston. Cushing's Reports, vol. v. p. 206. but the Legislature a few years later, in 1855, prohibited such separation of the races into different schools. Both races at once mingled in the same class-rooms without disturbance or inconvenience. To Sumner belongs the honor of leading the way in the contest with the spirit of caste. Dr. Palfrey wrote to him concerning his argument, You have done few things among your worthy acts to be remembered by yourself hereafter more to your satisfaction, or by poste
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
eing the favorite rule of Democratic national conventions; and in this vote Caleb Cushing, a member of the House, concurred. A vote by yeas and nays on written ballas had been arranged. At this point, however, some Democratic members, led by Cushing, met in caucus and decided not to support Sumner on account of his antislaveryntaining that they were treasonable, and that their author was a disunionist. Cushing, the leader of the indomitables, called Sumner in debate a one— idead, abolitrinted under date of Jan. 21, 1851, in his Works, vol. II. pp. 428, 429. With Cushing he declined to have any political conversation while the canvass was pending. from his inaugural message as governor, and his appointment, the next year, of Cushing as a judge of the Supreme Court. Mr. Boutwell, as a member of the House, sp discipline by their constituents in meetings called to condemn their action. Cushing, their leader, did not conceal the embarrassment of his position, and offered
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
fully approved his caution against any departure from the policy of non-intervention. He found himself supported in quarters where he had hitherto received little or no favor. His first effort was commended by conservative people, some of whom were personally well disposed to him, but most of whom had expected nothing from him but a radical and partisan course; and they were now surprised to find him beginning his public life in so sensible a way. He received approving letters from Caleb Cushing, N. P. Banks, Jr., Samuel E. Sewall, John Pierpont, Rev. Hubbard Winslow, Rev. Leonard Woods, Edward Austin, Samuel h. Walley, J. E. Worcester, George Livermore; and among letters from citizens of other States may be named those from Theodore Sedgwick and John Jay of New York, Timothy Walker of Cincinnati, Charles J. Ingersoll of Philadelphia, Neal Dow of Portland, and Miss D. L. Dix. The Whig press of Boston, quick to seize an opportunity of censure, and finding nothing in the speech o
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
administration, Governor Boutwell's appointment of Cushing as judge of the Supreme Court, and most of all the doubt not he will master most of the questions. Caleb Cushing is a dangerous character, who believes in war. Hudgments, in the Reports of Pickering, Metcalf, and Cushing,—a goodly number,—and all having a uniform stamp. letter was immediately followed by the letter of Caleb Cushing, attorney-general of the United States, to Richationism under every guise and form. October 29. Cushing's previous complicity with the coalition is describhan the United States. It was known at the time as Cushing's ukase. This interference was effective in disturpublic money for sectarian schools. October 29. Cushing's previous complicity with the coalition is describn by the Legislature. The result in connection with Cushing's letter was fatal to any further union of Democrathigs and neutralized many of our friends; secondly, Cushing's letter, which paralyzed the activities of the Dem
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
only political force against slavery, the Free Soilers, were helpless as an opposition, receiving no recruits and diminishing in numbers. The Administration, in Cushing's letter, threatened proscription to all who allowed any political fellowship with them. Hale, without hope of being called again into public life, had opened a eech of a different kind, but the determination to close the debate that night induced me to change my purpose. The rulers of the country are the President, with Cushing, Davis, and Forney. Caleb Cushing, Jefferson Davis, and John W. Forney. Nobody else has influence. These are hot for Cuba and war. The howl of the press heCaleb Cushing, Jefferson Davis, and John W. Forney. Nobody else has influence. These are hot for Cuba and war. The howl of the press here against me has been the best homage I ever received. My opposition to all that iniquity is not merely by speech, but in every available way; and they know it. The threats to put a bullet through my head, and hang me, and mob me, have been frequent. I have always said, Let them come they will find me at my post. Hitherto Su
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
its course on the Lecompton question. Works, vol. v. pp. 188, 189. The coming Presidential election now absorbed the public mind, and was the ever-recurring topic of debate in Congress. The Democratic national convention, meeting in Charleston, S. C., in April, adjourned, after a session marked by tumult and passion, to meet at Baltimore in June, where it nominated Douglas as President, after the withdrawal of Southern delegations, and of Northern delegates like B. F. Butler and Caleb Cushing, both of Massachusetts, who were in sympathy with them. In the Charleston convention Butler voted for Jefferson Davis for President, and was the Breckinridge candidate for governor of Massachusetts, in the autumn. These seceders, who, disciples of Calhoun, (lid not think Douglas Southern and pro-slavery enough in his position, put John C. Breckinridge (afterwards a general in the Confederate army) in nomination. In May, a remnant of conservative Whigs, known as the Constitutional Uni