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Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1 115 1 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 24 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 16 2 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Poetry and Incidents., Volume 4. (ed. Frank Moore) 15 1 Browse Search
L. P. Brockett, The camp, the battlefield, and the hospital: or, lights and shadows of the great rebellion 14 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 11 1 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2. 10 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 8 0 Browse Search
The Cambridge of eighteen hundred and ninety-six: a picture of the city and its industries fifty years after its incorporation (ed. Arthur Gilman) 8 0 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 7 3 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for John Davis or search for John Davis in all documents.

Your search returned 12 results in 6 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
he conflict that approaches. Again, December 31:— I think there will be a strong movement to place some person in Webster's seat who will be true and firm in the assertion of Northern rights against the domination of the slave-power. John Davis and most of the leading Whigs are too anxious to keep the State in line with the Southern section of Whigs. This cannot be done. It is easy to see that there will be soon a large party at the North pledged to perpetual warfare with slavery. ith its provision for fifty thousand men and an appropriation of fifty thousand dollars for the prosecution of the war to a speedy and successful termination. Only sixteen votes were given against the measure in both Houses: two in the Senate,—John Davis of Massachusetts, and Thomas Clayton of Delaware,—and fourteen in the House, with the name of John Quincy Adams standing at their head. Mr. Calhoun pleaded for deliberation; denied the truth of the statement in the bill as to the origin of t<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
red. It passed the House with the general support of both Northern Whigs and Democrats, but a vote was prevented in the Senate by the unseasonable loquacity of John Davis of Massachusetts, who was still talking when the session expired. Von Holst, vol. III. pp. 287-289. Davis's long speech was certainly a ridiculous folly as Davis's long speech was certainly a ridiculous folly as well as a grave mistake. The struggle was renewed at the next session, 1846-1847, on appropriation bills providing the means for negotiating a treaty; but though the Proviso at different times passed the House, in which the Northern members were largely in a majority, it was as often rejected in the Senate, which was more equally df General Taylor, and justified it as the only one likely to succeed; admitted his part in promoting it; stated that Mr. Choate was for Taylor, and implied that John Davis and Governor Lincoln were of the same way of thinking. Mr. Appleton rejoined at length and with spirit, denying any secrecy or conspiracy,— admitting that for
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
cting votes. (Giddings's History of the Rebellion, p. 328; Mann's Life, pp, 316-329.) Mann, who was well disposed towards Winthrop, thought he should have been more aggressive at this time against the Southern party. Writing September 15, he said: They [the South] have never yet been properly answered. If some such man as Sumner were in the seat, he would turn the tables upon them. Mann's Life, p. 330.—an influence, however, which did not affect the action of Winthrop or his colleague, John Davis, who voted with him. Winthrop took no stand against Webster, and expressed no sympathy with the demonstrations in Massachusetts to arrest the passage of the Compromise, or to condemn it afterwards. He remained in relations of personal sympathy with Webster, supplying the motto vera pro gratis for the speech of march 7, Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 410 note. withdrawing his name as a rival for a seat in the Cabinet, and advising Webster's appointment in the most friendly, open
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
nt, where a few weeks later Judge Rockwell of Connecticut, member of Congress, and Sibbern, the Swedish minister, joined with him in a mess. He was present in the Senate Dec. 1, 1851, the first day of the Thirtysecond Congress. His colleague, John Davis, being absent from his seat, though in Washington, when the session began, his credentials were presented by Mr. Cass, whom he invited to do the service as his oldest personal friend in the body. The other senators who took the oath at the sad placed Sumner with the Whigs. He had only two political associates,—Chase of Ohio and Hale of New Hampshire; the former chosen by a combination of Free Soilers and Democrats, and the latter by a combination of antislavery men and Whigs. From John Davis, his own colleague, he could expect nothing but personal civility. In sentiment, if not often in action, he could count on a certain measure of sympathy from Seward, who was, however, politic and bent on maintaining his position as a Whig lead
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
ss, the Free Soilers still hoped by the aid of Democratic votes to choose a Legislature which should give them another voice in the Senate on the expiration of John Davis's term, and to elect three or four members of Congress. Besides the pro-slavery position of the national Democratic party, certain local difficulties—some bluny came into power in 1861. He wrote John Bigelow, Dec. 13, 1852:— To-morrow for Webster! The eulogies in the Senate on Mr. Webster were delivered by John Davis, Butler, Seward, and Stockton; Sumner did not speak. He wrote later to Mr. Bigelow: The brave Southern voices failed on the Webster day. Badger skulked in the d its enormities, against its influence on our government, against Hunkers, he would have struck a good blow like yourself on that occasion. When the term of Mr. Davis, Sumner's colleague, was about to expire, there was a general disposition to leave him in retirement. His party was again in power, and Whig opinion turned to t
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
t replying to his argument, commented offensively upon his rhetoric,—vapid rhetoric, as he called it,—and commended the calmness, gravity, and dignity of the other honorable gentleman from Massachusetts. Later in the debate (June 28) Mallory of Florida made a similar contrast between the two senators from Massachusetts. This mode of meeting Sumner's arguments was not a new one. A similar contrast between him and Everett was drawn in the debate on the Nebraska bill, and between him and John Davis in 1852 in the debate on the motion to repeal the Fugitive Slave Act. In these personal comparisons the Southern senators recognized that they had a new kind of antagonist to deal with. Avowing his own opinion that primarily the duty to return fugitive slaves rested upon the States only, he turned, while speaking, to Rockwell, and inquired whether, in the event of the duty being left to them, Massachusetts would execute the Constitution, and after a trial by jury or in any other mode send