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Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 2 1,039 11 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 29. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 833 7 Browse Search
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1 656 14 Browse Search
The Annals of the Civil War Written by Leading Participants North and South (ed. Alexander Kelly McClure) 580 0 Browse Search
Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865 459 3 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 435 13 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 355 1 Browse Search
Edward Alfred Pollard, The lost cause; a new Southern history of the War of the Confederates ... Drawn from official sources and approved by the most distinguished Confederate leaders. 352 2 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 333 7 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 330 2 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley). You can also browse the collection for Jefferson Davis or search for Jefferson Davis in all documents.

Your search returned 53 results in 21 document sections:

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Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The Reveries of Reverdy. (search)
in a dark alley. He is solid, we suppose, and sensible, and practical, perhaps, and able. But not a shiner — at least not in a report. Then there was the Hon. Jefferson Davis, who intimated that we Republicans are men of low instinct, Mr. Davis being, we suppose, a man of instinct high, lofty, elevated, sublime, towering, soarMr. Davis being, we suppose, a man of instinct high, lofty, elevated, sublime, towering, soaring and tall. This disrespectful language did so discompose, disarrange and irritate our minds, that we incontinently vowed to read no more of Jefferson Davis, so that we missed all his serene gems and blushing flowers, and were compelled to fall back upon Reverdy. He was, as the young ladies lisp, be-you-tiful. A kind of friskyJefferson Davis, so that we missed all his serene gems and blushing flowers, and were compelled to fall back upon Reverdy. He was, as the young ladies lisp, be-you-tiful. A kind of frisky Dr. Johnson, we should say, stately, but smiling; sesquipedalian, but fascinating; plethoric, but pretty. The epistle of Reverdy to the New Yorkers is good. As we perused his well-padded sentences, we were so solaced by sound that we ceased to look for sense, but suffered ourselves to be borne upon the tide of his eloquence, q
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The Montgomery Muddle — a specimen day. (search)
e drink, and dare die for drink, but who would be very apt to die without drink ; yet we take it for granted that the men of Montgomery are all solid philosophers, who leave liquor to the poets and the common soldiers, and whose sole and sublime amusements are the construction of paper Constitutions, the begetting of bodies politic, the evocation of cash out of chaos, and the general transmogrification of a small slice of the late Union into a Confederacy. The millinery department of Mr. Jefferson Davis's new political concern seems, however, to make the weightiest drafts upon the Southern Congressional intellect. A nation without a flag is no nation at all — hat sublime truth, at least, has dawned upon the Southern Confederated mind. Confederate Curry, of Alabama, the other day brought a bushel of flags, of striped and of starry flags, of white, red and blue flags before the Congress, and exhibited them to the delegates just as that abhorred creature, a Yankee peddler, shows his r
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Southern Notions of the North. (search)
giving and a competition of munificence. This in time will, we hope, satisfy our quondam brethren in Virginia, South Carolina and other territories of the United States, that we are not so miserably poor as they have been kind enough to suppose. After all we have given to the sacred cause of Law and Order, we have still a dollar or so left; and can even borrow a little should our present stock fail us. But we have hardly touched the popular pocket yet. So the sooner the subjects of Jefferson Davis stop laying that particularly flattering unction to their souls — that silly notion that we are exceedingly poor — the less they will by-and-by be disappointed. Our property is n't fugacious — has n't two legs — does n't run away or get sick and die. Another Southern notion is that the moment we begin to be pinched and bread to grow dear we shall all be under the domination of King Mob and his army of starving artisans. They do not seem to take into account the fact which they wil
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Alexander the Bouncer. (search)
rave fellows enlisted for the sake of pay, which is about as much per annum as some of them could at their proper avocations make in a month — to say nothing of risk to health and life — nothing of absence from their families? Hirelings, forsooth! When you go to the Confederate treasury to draw your quarter's salary, O Alexander — mind, we do not say that you will get it — pray will you then be a hireling? Mercenaries are those who are retained as serving for pay --as, for example, Jefferson Davis, Alexander H. Stephens and other Confederate notabilities — for pay of some kind they certainly intend to get, either in praise or power or pence. The soldiers of the United States may receive a pittance; but if this sweet squad of Confederate officials are not mercenary, why are our brave militia-men mercenary?--our soldiers extemporised from the field, the factory and every haunt of industry? Answer that question, Alexander! The rapidity with which an Italian buffo-singer can
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Secession Squabbles. (search)
the intelligent, the only escape from an intolerable night-mare, and life-indeath listlessness. Secession, itself the offspring of politics, breeds in its turn a progeny of parties, each prolific of cliques, and each restive under guidance. Mr. Davis has not warmed the stool of office, before this aspirant or that newspaper seeks to push him from it; and a score of men think themselves as well entitled to the honor as he is. Are not their necks as precious as his? Why should he come in forments perform their functions, and confidently predicts that when our side gets inside, the vehicle will move with admirable ease and celerity. But if Congress should prove as incompetent as Cabinet, nothing will remain to be done but for Mr. Jefferson Davis to go up to the House, pistol the Speaker, turn out the Members, and establish a Despotism tempered by cocktails and leading-articles. This, then, is the Confederacy, so little compact that even the perils of war and imminent destructio
her leg? How have the susceptibilities of Union men fared in New Orleans, or anywhere else, for that matter, in the revolted States? low in East Tennessee, for instance? In this very city of New Orleans, the putative Mayor of which now bawls for mercy, and shivers with guilty apprehension in his official robes, how safe has it been for any man — ay! or for any woman, to question the morality of treason, or the duty of dissolution, or the exceeding beauty of Slavery, or the omniscience of Davis, or the invincibility of Beauregard? Why, it was only the other day that we quoted from what was once a respectable New Orleans newspaper, ample evidence of the existence of a reign of terror in that city. Men who refused to take up arms in defence of the Confederacy were threatened with the direst penalties — imprisonment, confiscation, or even death! Mechanics of Northern birth, who remained loyal to their country, have been swindled out of their wages, locked up, or forced to march in
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), Drawing it mild in Memphis. (search)
with a wonderful facility, and to disregard, quite contemptuously the injunction to destroy themselves, in which some of their newspapers abound. We suppose, however, that they are waiting for a General Proclamation of Suicide by their mock-President Davis. They are desirous of dying according to law, and of destroying themselves constitutionally. It becomes their Davis-ian Jefferson — the best Jefferson they have, poor fellows!--himself to set the example. When all is lost, we hold that itill be impossible. We throw out these hints merely from an ardent passion for seeing things done neatly. If we are to have no Confederate States, we shall need no Confederate Statesmen. In a restored Union it will be impossible to put Mr. Jefferson Davis and his crazy cronies to any sort of use. Will they have the grace to step out? Will they have the goodness to leave an unappreciative world, and betake themselves to those places which, from the beginning, have been prepared for them?
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The Council of Thirty-five. (search)
they consider that by any constitutional theory the Union is abolished? that South Carolina could abolish it? that Jefferson Davis, by any villainy, could destroy it in any sense? Because, before a thing can be restored, if we know anything of laontending; so that fear of the abolition of Slavery had really nothing to do with the war. Is it to be supposed that Jefferson Davis is in the field because he believed his negroes would be taken from him by the Lincoln Administration? He must be gder than crude, who thinks so. Even the miserable heads of muddled Secessionists did not mix up matters in that way. What Davis and other gentlemen in the man-owning business were afraid of was, that non-extension might prove equivalent to non-existdly speaks, bowie-knives flash, revolvers are aimed at his sacred person, and an extemporized halter dangles aloft. Jefferson Davis and staff march from headquarters to behold his execution, and Richardson of Illinois is soon no more a member of Co
Confederate Constitution, has furnished King Jefferson Davis with a palace ready furnished, at an exsonably be supposed to act under the orders of Davis the Despot. Upon this point The Richmond Ex insanely deserted. They would probably upset Davis only to set up King Somebody Else the First, bomething of this kind before the war is over. Davis is n't safe from the tar-pot yet, poor man! Hwho excited the first French Revolution? Does Davis ever think of their fate with prudent apprehene small, as The Richmond Examiner complains, Mr. Davis may heartily wish it much smaller. Poor whing fellows in Richmond? He may fight for Jefferson Davis, if he pleases, but then it is no violentas good a right to bolt from the government of Davis as from that of Lincoln. Why should n't she? is one of her principal newspapers denouncing Davis as a Despot! By what worse name did this Merc her independence, by what authority will Jefferson Davis proceed to coerce her to her duty? He ha[1 more...]
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), All means to Crush (search)
acy of the Traitors, is it not fair to suppose that the office of that journal would receive an early visit from the law-officers of the United States? And yet, morally considered, this offence is one of daily occurrence. When The Herald or other sheet of like sable tint vehemently urges that property in Negroes is something that should be sacredly safe from confiscation and from military meddling, we say that such protest is equivalent to a proposition to lend a certain amount of money to Davis's Secretary of the Treasury. We beg leave to quote, upon this point, the excellent authority of a Venetian Jew: You take my house when you do take the prop That doth sustain my house; you take my life, When you do take the means whereby I live. Immediately after the delivery of this indisputably correct observation, Shylock, we are told, left the Court-House upon the plea that he felt very unwell — and no doubt he told the truth. There is a method which God, in the interests of His
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