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Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 838 2 Browse Search
William H. Herndon, Jesse William Weik, Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, Etiam in minimis major, The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln by William H. Herndon, for twenty years his friend and Jesse William Weik 280 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 246 2 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 180 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 140 0 Browse Search
Mrs. John A. Logan, Reminiscences of a Soldier's Wife: An Autobiography 96 2 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 80 0 Browse Search
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights 76 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 66 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 63 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for Stephen A. Douglas or search for Stephen A. Douglas in all documents.

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ifles from a point of our line which was thin, and where a few of our men were a little tardy in moving forward. Col. Terry, in his report, calls attention to the coolness, activity, and discretion of Lieut.-Col. Young, and Major Colborn. The latter with the Adjutant of the regiment, Lieut. Charles L. Russell, showed conspicuous gallantry in defending their regimental colors during the retreat this side of Bull Run against a charge of cavalry. Col. Terry also commends the devotion of Doctors Douglas and Bacon to the wounded while under the hottest fire of artillery. Private Arnold Leach is also highly praised for having spiked three abandoned guns with a ramrod, and then bringing away two abandoned muskets. Col. Jameson, of the Second Maine regiment, gives great credit in his report to Lieut.-Col. C. W. Roberts, Major Varney, and Adjutant Reynolds for their coolness on the field. Sergeant G. W. Brown, of Company F, A. J. Knowles and Leonard Carver, of Company D, A. P. Jones and
Doc. 11.-Senator Douglas's last letter. Chicago, May 10. My dear sir: Being deprived of the use of my arms for the present by a severe attack of rheumatism, I am compelled to avail myself of the services of an amanuensis, in reply to your two letters. It seems that some of my friends are unable to comprehend the difference between arguments used in favor of an equitable compromise, with the hope of averting the horrors of war, and those urged in support of the government and the Democratic principles, or a want of loyalty to the organization and creed of the Democratic party. If we hope to regain and perpetuate the ascendency of our party, we should never forget that a man cannot be a true Democrat unless he is a loyal patriot. With the sincere hope that these, my conscientious convictions, may coincide with those of my friends, I am, very truly, yours, Stephen A. Douglas. To Virgil Hickcox, Esq., Chairman State Democratic Committee. --National Intelligencer.
England and the disunionists of the South to the harmless pastime of belching fire and fury at each other at a safe distance, protected by the patriotism and good sense of nine-tenths of their countrymen, against the evils they would bring on themselves. Can you doubt the success of such a reunion? Not an advocate of disunion, under any probable circumstances, can be found among the candidates for the presidency and vice-presidency. The supporters of Bell to a man, the supporters of Douglas to a man, and more than three-fourths of the supporters of Breckinridge, are staunch friends of the Union, and staunch adversaries of northern interference with southern institutions, When, convinced of the folly and madness of their warfare on each other, as they will be after the election, if not before, they band together in common cause, and that cause the preservation of our glorious Union and its invaluable Constitution, with their attendant blessings, will they not be irresistible?
outhern and a Northern campaign document, used to defeat in the one section Judge Douglas, and in the other to promote the cause of Mr. Lincoln, was made by Mr. Benjed to show that Mr. Lincoln was more conservative and true to the South than Mr. Douglas. Referring to the Senatorial contest which they had recently had in Illin again, within the last few days, of this discussion between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Douglas, to find that Mr. Lincoln is A far more conservative man, unless he has sinc opinions, than I had supposed him to be. There was no dodging on his part. Mr. Douglas started with his questions. Here they are with Mr. Lincoln's answers: ould not aggravate the slave question among ourselves.--Debates of Lincoln and Douglas, p. 88. The distinguished Senator evidently did not then think, he certainoduced and relied upon to satisfy the South that he would be truer to her than Douglas. And yet, who supposes that if the latter had been the choice of the people,
m here to-day. (Applause.) In this connection, I may be permitted to remark that, during our last struggle for the Presidency, all parties contended for the preservation of the Union. Without going further back, what was that struggle? Senator Douglas of the State of Illinois was a candidate. His friends presented him as the best Union man. I shall speak upon this subject in reference to my position. Mr. Breckinridge's friends presented him to the people as the Union candidate. I was olculated to promote the welfare of our common country; another opposed them, to bring about the same result. Then what was the former contest? Bringing it down to the present times, there has been no disagreement between Republicans, Bell men, Douglas men, and Breckinridge men, as regards the preservation of the Union of States. Now, however, these measures are all laid aside — all these party questions are left out of consideration, and the great question comes up whether the Constitution
before the country. It implies that the Federal Government has committed some great wrong which ought to be remedied, before peace can be restored; when in fact the leaders in the South have controlled the legislation of the country for years, and the laws now in existence were made, or suggested, by themselves, when in power. The position of Virglnia is a peculiar one at this moment. Last November, at the Presidential election, it gave upwards of sixteen thousand majority for Bell and Douglas, both Union candidates for the presidency. Their principal competitor was loudly proclaimed as also true to the Union; and throughout the canvass, any imputation of favoring disunion was indignantly denied by the advocates of all the candidates. At the election for members of the Convention in February last, there was a majority of over sixty thousand votes given to the Union candidates; and the people, by an equal majority, determined that no act of that Convention should change the rela
tance to the law is treason to the United States; the decisions of some of the most enlightened of the State judiciaries in repudiation of the dangerous dogma; the concurrent disavowal of it by the Marshalls, and Kents, and Storys, and McLeans, and Waynes, and Catrons, and Reverdy Johnsons, and Guthries, and all the really great jurists of the land; the brand of absurdity and wickedness which has been stamped upon it by Andrew Jackson, and Webster, and Clay, and Crittenden, and Everett, and Douglas, and Cass, and Holt, and Andrew Johnson, and Wickliffe, and Dickinson, and the great body of our truly eminent statesmen: these considerations and authorities present the doctrine of secession to me with one side only. But I do wish to inquire of my colleagues, if they have seriously reflected on the consequences of secession, should it come? Do you expect (as I have heard some of you declare) that the power and influence of Virginia are such that you will have peaceable secession, th
efused to confer authority, and by what authority did the President do it after they refused? The Constitution declares that Congress alone has power to declare war, yet the President has made war. In the last session the Senator from Illinois (Douglas) delivered a speech, on the 15th of March, which he would read. He then read an extract of Mr. Douglas's speech, declaring that the President had no right to make a blockade at New Orleans or Charleston more than at Chicago. He also read from Mr. Douglas's speech, declaring that the President had no right to make a blockade at New Orleans or Charleston more than at Chicago. He also read from a speech of Daniel Webster, delivered in 1832, declaring that General Jackson had no right to blockade Charleston. He said he approved these sentiments, uttered by these eminent statesmen, who were formerly regarded as sound, and thought the time would again come when it would not be thought treason to maintain them. The resolution proceeds to approve the act of the President enlisting men for three and five years. By what authority of the Constitution and law has he done this? The power is
ment was based upon the cardinal principal that all governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, as proclaimed by Thomas Jefferson, the great Apostle of Democracy — a principle sacredly held and maintained by every eminent statesman and jurist in our land from the time of the Declaration of Independence until the accession of the present Administration to power. 3. Resolved, That we believe that war is final and eternal disunion, as declared by the late lamented Douglas; that a continuance of the present war must surely eventuate in a perpetual separation and division of our once happy and glorious Union. 4. Resolved, That we appeal to our brethren throughout the land, North as well as South, to raise their voices once more for peace and for Union. We appeal to all, by the memory of our common ancestry, our common sacrifices our common history, by the glories of the past, and the hopes of the future. 5. Resolved, That every government having a writt
stinguished son of Kentucky at the late election, for the reason that I believed he was a better Union man than any other candidate in the field. Others advocated the claims of Mr. Bell, believing him to be a better Union man; others those of Mr. Douglas. In the South we know that there was no Republican ticket. I was a Union man then; I was a Union man in 1833; I am a Union man now. And what has transpired since the election in November last that has produced sufficient cause to break up thence to the institution of slavery? If the candidate whose claims I advocated had been elected President — I speak of him as a candidate, of course not meaning to be personal — I do not believe this Government would have been broken up. If Stephen A. Douglas had been elected, I do not believe this Government would have been broken up. Why? Because those who advocated the pretensions of Mr. Lincoln would have done as all parties have done heretofore; they would have yielded to the high behest o