hide Matching Documents

The documents where this entity occurs most often are shown below. Click on a document to open it.

Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 18 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: August 10, 1863., [Electronic resource] 12 0 Browse Search
Historic leaves, volume 4, April, 1905 - January, 1906 10 2 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: August 9, 1862., [Electronic resource] 9 1 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 33. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 8 2 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 8 2 Browse Search
The Photographic History of The Civil War: in ten volumes, Thousands of Scenes Photographed 1861-65, with Text by many Special Authorities, Volume 7: Prisons and Hospitals. (ed. Francis Trevelyan Miller) 4 2 Browse Search
The Photographic History of The Civil War: in ten volumes, Thousands of Scenes Photographed 1861-65, with Text by many Special Authorities, Volume 10: The Armies and the Leaders. (ed. Francis Trevelyan Miller) 4 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 4 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 3 1 Browse Search
View all matching documents...

Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Neal Dow or search for Neal Dow in all documents.

Your search returned 2 results in 2 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
n course; and they were now surprised to find him beginning his public life in so sensible a way. He received approving letters from Caleb Cushing, N. P. Banks, Jr., Samuel E. Sewall, John Pierpont, Rev. Hubbard Winslow, Rev. Leonard Woods, Edward Austin, Samuel h. Walley, J. E. Worcester, George Livermore; and among letters from citizens of other States may be named those from Theodore Sedgwick and John Jay of New York, Timothy Walker of Cincinnati, Charles J. Ingersoll of Philadelphia, Neal Dow of Portland, and Miss D. L. Dix. The Whig press of Boston, quick to seize an opportunity of censure, and finding nothing in the speech of which a point could be made, avoided mention of it. The social and mercantile sentiment of Boston was then running strongly against the Hungarian,—as indeed it was in the habit of running against popular enthusiasms,—and for once, in his practical conclusion against intervention in foreign wars, he found himself in agreement with it. Epes Sargent, the ed
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
ong the writers were S. P. Chase, J. R. Giddings, Carl Schurz, George W. Julian, John Jay, William Curtis Noyes, Hiram Barney, Rev. Joseph P. Thompson, Gerrit Smith, Rev. George B. Cheever, Prof. Benjamin Silliman. J. Miller McKim, Frederick Douglass, John G. Whittier, Josiah Quincy (the elder), Rev. R. S. Storrs (the elder), Rev. John Pierpont, Rev. Henry M. Dexter, Prof. William S. Tyler, John A. Andrew, Francis W. Bird, Henry L. Pierce, Amasa Walker, Lydia Maria Child, Henry I. Bowditch, Neal Dow, and Chief-Justice John Appleton. The Legislature of Massachusetts, then in session, formally approved the speech in a resolution, in promoting the passage of which two members of the House—J. Q. A. Griffin and H. L. Pierce—took the lead. As in the Senate, so also among Republican politicians, there was anxiety as to the effect of the speech on voters who without antislavery convictions were likely to act with the Republicans in the election at hand. Some journals professed to fear th